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The History of Herodotus: Page 18
Volume One - Book III
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61. Now while Cambyses the son of Cyrus was spending a long time in
Egypt and had gone out of his right mind, there rose up against him
two brothers, Magians, of whom the one had been left behind by
Cambyses as caretaker of his household. This man, I say, rose up
against him perceiving that the occurrence of the death of Smerdis was
being kept secret, and that there were but few of the Persians who
were aware of it, while the greater number believed without doubt that
he was still alive. Therefore he endeavoured to obtain the kingdom,
and he formed his plan as follows:--he had a brother (that one who, as
I said, rose up with him against Cambyses), and this man in form very
closely resembled Smerdis the son of Cyrus, whom Cambyses had slain,
being his own brother. He was like Smerdis, I say, in form, and not
only so but he had the same name, Smerdis. Having persuaded this man
that he would manage everything for him, the Magian Patizeithes
brought him and seated him upon the royal throne: and having so done
he sent heralds about to the various provinces, and among others one
to the army in Egypt, to proclaim to them that they must obey Smerdis
the son of Cyrus for the future instead of Cambyses.
62. So then the
other heralds made this proclamation, and also the one who was
appointed to go to Egypt, finding Cambyses and his army at Agbatana in
Syria, stood in the midst and began to proclaim that which had been
commanded to him by the Magian. Hearing this from the herald, and
supposing that the herald was speaking the truth and that he had
himself been betrayed by Prexaspes, that is to say, that when
Prexaspes was sent to kill Smerdis he had not done so, Cambyses looked
upon Prexaspes and said: "Prexaspes, was it thus that thou didst
perform for me the thing which I gave over to thee to do?" and he
said: "Master, the saying is not true that Smerdis thy brother has
risen up against thee, nor that thou wilt have any contention arising
from him, either great or small: for I myself, having done that which
thou didst command me to do, buried him with my own hands.
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If therefore the dead have risen again to life, then thou mayest expect
that Astyages also the Mede will rise up against thee; but if it is as
it was beforetime, there is no fear now that any trouble shall spring
up for you, at least from him. Now therefore I think it well that some
should pursue after the herald and examine him, asking from whom he
has come to proclaim to us that we are to obey Smerdis as king."
63.
When Prexaspes had thus spoken, Cambyses was pleased with the advice,
and accordingly the herald was pursued forthwith and returned. Then
when he had come back, Prexaspes asked him as follows: "Man, thou
sayest that thou art come as a messenger from Smerdis the son of
Cyrus: now therefore speak the truth and go away in peace. I ask thee
whether Smerdis himself appeared before thine eyes and charged thee to
say this, or some one of those who serve him." He said: "Smerdis the
son of Cyrus I have never yet seen, since the day that king Cambyses
marched to Egypt: but the Magian whom Cambyses appointed to be
guardian of his household, he, I say, gave me this charge, saying that
Smerdis the son of Cyrus was he who laid the command upon me to speak
these things to you." Thus he spoke to them, adding no falsehoods to
the first, and Cambyses said: "Prexaspes, thou hast done that which
was commanded thee like an honest man, and hast escaped censure; but
who of the Persians may this be who has risen up against me and
usurped the name of Smerdis?" He said: "I seem to myself, O king, to
have understanding of this which has come to pass: the Magians have
risen against thee, Patizeithes namely, whom thou didst leave as
caretaker of thy household, and his brother Smerdis."
64. Then
Cambyses, when he heard the name of Smerdis, perceived at once the
true meaning of this report and of the dream, for he thought in his
sleep that some one had reported to him that Smerdis was sitting upon
the royal throne and had touched the heaven with his head: and
perceiving that he had slain his brother without need, he began to
lament for Smerdis; and having lamented for him and sorrowed greatly
for the whole mishap, he was leaping upon his horse, meaning as
quickly as possible to march his army to Susa against the Magian; and
as he leapt upon his horse, the cap of his sword-sheath fell off, and
the sword being left bare struck his thigh. Having been wounded then
in the same part where he had formerly struck Apis the god of the
Egyptians, and believing that he had been struck with a mortal blow,
Cambyses asked what was the name of that town, and they said
"Agbatana." Now even before this he had been informed by the Oracle at
the city of Buto that in Agbatana he should bring his life to an end:
and he supposed that he should die of old age in Agbatana in Media,
where was his chief seat of power; but the oracle, it appeared, meant
in Agbatana of Syria. So when by questioning now he learnt the name of
the town, being struck with fear both by the calamity caused by the
Magian and at the same time by the wound, he came to his right mind,
and understanding the meaning of the oracle he said: "Here it is fated
that Cambyses the son of Cyrus shall end his life."
65. So much only
he said at that time; but about twenty days afterwards he sent for the
most honourable of the Persians who were with him, and said to them as
follows: "Persians, it has become necessary for me to make known to
you the thing which I was wont to keep concealed beyond all other
things. Being in Egypt I saw a vision in my sleep, which I would I had
never seen, and it seemed to me that a messenger came from home and
reported to me that Smerdis was sitting upon the royal throne and had
touched the heaven with his head. Fearing then lest I should be
deprived of my power by my brother, I acted quickly rather than
wisely; for it seems that it is not possible for man[55] to avert that
which is destined to come to pass. I therefore, fool that I was, sent
away Prexaspes to Susa to kill Smerdis; and when this great evil had
been done, I lived in security, never considering the danger that some
other man might at some time rise up against me, now that Smerdis had
been removed: and altogether missing the mark of that which was about
to happen, I have both made myself the murderer of my brother, when
there was no need, and I have been deprived none the less of the
kingdom; for it was in fact Smerdis the Magian of whom the divine
power declared to me beforehand in the vision that he should rise up
against me. So then, as I say, this deed has been done by me, and ye
must imagine that ye no longer have Smerdis the son of Cyrus alive:
but it is in truth the Magians who are masters of your kingdom, he
whom I left as guardian of my household and his brother Smerdis. The
man then who ought above all others to have taken vengeance on my
behalf for the dishonour which I have suffered from the Magians, has
ended his life by an unholy death received from the hands of those who
were his nearest of kin; and since he is no more, it becomes most
needful for me, as the thing next best of those which remain,[56] to
charge you, O Persians, with that which dying I desire should be done
for me. This then I lay upon you, calling upon the gods of the royal
house to witness it,--upon you and most of all upon those of the
Achaemenidai who are present here,--that ye do not permit the return
of the chief power to the Medes, but that if they have acquired it by
craft, by craft they be deprived of it by you, or if they have
conquered it by any kind of force, by force and by a strong hand ye
recover it. And if ye do this, may the earth bring forth her produce
and may your wives and your cattle be fruitful, while ye remain free
for ever; but if ye do not recover the power nor attempt to recover
it, I pray that curses the contrary of these blessings may come upon
you, and moreover that each man of the Persians may have an end to his
life like that which has come upon me." Then as soon as he had
finished speaking these things, Cambyses began to bewail and make
lamentation for all his fortunes.
66. And the Persians, when they saw
that the king had begun to bewail himself, both rent the garments
which they wore and made lamentation without stint. After this, when
the bone had become diseased and the thigh had mortified, Cambyses the
son of Cyrus was carried off by the wound, having reigned in all seven
years and five months, and being absolutely childless both of male and
female offspring. The Persians meanwhile who were present there were
very little disposed to believe[57] that the power was in the hands of
the Magians: on the contrary, they were surely convinced that Cambyses
had said that which he said about the death of Smerdis to deceive
them, in order that all the Persians might be moved to war against
him. These then were surely convinced that Smerdis the son of Cyrus
was established to be king; for Prexaspes also very strongly denied
that he had slain Smerdis, since it was not safe, now that Cambyses
was dead, for him to say that he had destroyed with his own hand the
son of Cyrus.
67. Thus when Cambyses had brought his life to an end, the Magian
became king without disturbance, usurping the place of his namesake
Smerdis the son of Cyrus; and he reigned during the seven months which
were wanting yet to Cambyses for the completion of the eight years:
and during them he performed acts of great benefit to all his
subjects, so that after his death all those in Asia except the
Persians themselves mourned for his loss: for the Magian sent
messengers abroad to every nation over which he ruled, and proclaimed
freedom from military service and from tribute for three years.
68.
This proclamation, I say, he made at once when he established himself
upon the throne: but in the eighth month it was discovered who he was
in the following manner:--There was one Otanes the son of Pharnaspes,
in birth and in wealth not inferior to any of the Persians. This
Otanes was the first who had had suspicion of the Magian, that he was
not Smerdis the son of Cyrus but the person that he really was,
drawing his inference from these facts, namely that he never went
abroad out of the fortress, and that he did not summon into his
presence any of the honourable men among the Persians: and having
formed a suspicion of him, he proceeded to do as follows:--Cambyses
had taken to wife his daughter, whose name was Phaidyme;[58] and this
same daughter the Magian at that time was keeping as his wife and
living with her as with all the rest also of the wives of Cambyses.
Otanes therefore sent a message to this daughter and asked her who the
man was by whose side she slept, whether Smerdis the son of Cyrus or
some other. She sent back word to him saying that she did not know,
for she had never seen Smerdis the son of Cyrus, nor did she know
otherwise who he was who lived with her. Otanes then sent a second
time and said: "If thou dost not thyself know Smerdis the son of
Cyrus, then do thou ask of Atossa who this man is, with whom both she
and thou live as wives; for assuredly it must be that she knows her
own brother."
69. To this the daughter sent back word: "I am not able
either to come to speech with Atossa or to see any other of the women
who live here with me; for as soon as this man, whosoever he may be,
succeeded to the kingdom, he separated us and placed us in different
apartments by ourselves." When Otanes heard this, the matter became
more and more clear to him, and he sent another message in to her,
which said: "Daughter, it is right for thee, nobly born as thou art,
to undertake any risk which thy father bids thee take upon thee: for
if in truth this is not Smerdis the son of Cyrus but the man whom I
suppose, he ought not to escape with impunity either for taking thee
to his bed or for holding the dominion of Persians, but he must pay
the penalty. Now therefore do as I say. When he sleeps by thee and
thou perceivest that he is sound asleep, feel his ears; and if it
prove that he has ears, then believe that thou art living with Smerdis
the son of Cyrus, but if not, believe that it is with the Magian
Smerdis." To this Phaidyme sent an answer saying that, if she should
do so, she would run a great risk; for supposing that he should chance
not to have his ears, and she were detected feeling for them, she was
well assured that he would put her to death; but nevertheless she
would do this. So she undertook to do this for her father: but as for
this Magian Smerdis, he had had his ears cut off by Cyrus the son of
Cambyses when he was king, for some grave offence. This Phaidyme then,
the daughter of Otanes, proceeding to perform all that she had
undertaken for her father, when her turn came to go to the Magian (for
the wives of the Persians go in to them regularly each in her turn),
came and lay down beside him: and when the Magian was in deep sleep,
she felt his ears; and perceiving not with difficulty but easily that
her husband had no ears, so soon as it became day she sent and
informed her father of that which had taken place.
70. Then Otanes took to him Aspathines and Gobryas,[59] who were
leading men among the Persians and also his own most trusted friends,
and related to them the whole matter: and they, as it then appeared,
had suspicions also themselves that it was so; and when Otanes
reported this to them, they readily accepted his proposals. Then it
was resolved by them that each one should associate with himself that
man of the Persians whom he trusted most; so Otanes brought in
Intaphrenes,[60] Gobryas brought in Megabyzos, and Aspathines brought
in Hydarnes. When they had thus become six, Dareios the son of
Hystaspes arrived at Susa, having come from the land of Persia, for of
this his father was governor. Accordingly when he came, the six men of
the Persians resolved to associate Dareios also with themselves.
71.
These then having come together, being seven in number, gave pledges
of faith to one another and deliberated together; and when it came to Dareios to declare his opinion, he spoke to them as follows: "I
thought that I alone knew this, namely that it was the Magian who was
reigning as king and that Smerdis the son of Cyrus had brought his
life to an end; and for this very reason I am come with earnest
purpose to contrive death for the Magian. Since however it has come to
pass that ye also know and not I alone, I think it well to act at once
and not to put the matter off, for that is not the better way." To
this replied Otanes: "Son of Hystaspes, thou art the scion of a noble
stock, and thou art showing thyself, as it seems, in no way inferior
to thy father: do not however hasten this enterprise so much without
consideration, but take it up more prudently; for we must first become
more in numbers, and then undertake the matter." In answer to this
Dareios said: "Men who are here present, if ye shall follow the way
suggested by Otanes, know that ye will perish miserably; for some one
will carry word to the Magian, getting gain thereby privately for
himself. Your best way would have been to do this action upon your own
risk alone; but since it seemed good to you to refer the matter to a
greater number, and ye communicated it to me, either let us do the
deed to-day, or be ye assured that if this present day shall pass by,
none other shall prevent me[61] as your accuser, but I will myself
tell these things to the Magian."
72. To this Otanes, when he saw
Dareios in violent haste, replied: "Since thou dost compel us to
hasten the matter and dost not permit us to delay, come expound to us
thyself in what manner we shall pass into the palace and lay hands
upon them: for that there are guards set in various parts, thou
knowest probably thyself as well as we, if not from sight at least
from hearsay; and in what manner shall we pass through these?" Dareios
made reply with these words: "Otanes, there are many things in sooth
which it is not possible to set forth in speech, but only in deed; and
other things there are which in speech can be set forth, but from them
comes no famous deed. Know ye however that the guards which are set
are not difficult to pass: for in the first place, we being what we
are, there is no one who will not let us go by, partly, as may be
supposed, from having respect for us, and partly also perhaps from
fear; and secondly I have myself a most specious pretext by means of
which we may pass by; for I shall say that I am just now come from the
Persian land and desire to declare to the king a certain message from
my father: for where it is necessary that a lie be spoken, let it be
spoken; seeing that we all aim at the same object, both they who lie
and they who always speak the truth; those lie whenever they are
likely to gain anything by persuading with their lies, and these tell
the truth in order that they may draw to themselves gain by the truth,
and that things[62] may be entrusted to them more readily. Thus, while
practising different ways, we aim all at the same thing. If however
they were not likely to make any gain by it, the truth-teller would
lie and the liar would speak the truth, with indifference. Whosoever
then of the door-keepers shall let us pass by of his own free will,
for him it shall be the better afterwards; but whosoever shall
endeavour to oppose our passage, let him then and there be marked as
our enemy,[63] and after that let us push in and set about our work."
73. Then said Gobryas: "Friends, at what time will there be a fairer
opportunity for us either to recover our rule, or, if we are not able
to get it again, to die? seeing that we being Persians on the one hand
lie under the rule of a Mede, a Magian, and that too a man whose ears
have been cut off. Moreover all those of you who stood by the side of
Cambyses when he was sick remember assuredly what he laid upon the
Persians as he was bringing his life to an end, if they should not
attempt to win back the power; and this we did not accept then, but
supposed that Cambyses had spoken in order to deceive us. Now
therefore I give my vote that we follow the opinion of Dareios, and
that we do not depart from this assembly to go anywhither else but
straight to attack the Magian." Thus spoke Gobryas, and they all
approved of this proposal.
74. Now while these were thus taking counsel together, it was coming
to pass by coincidence as follows:--The Magians taking counsel
together had resolved to join Prexaspes with themselves as a friend,
both because he had suffered grievous wrong from Cambyses, who had
killed his son by shooting him, and because he alone knew for a
certainty of the death of Smerdis the son of Cyrus, having killed him
with his own hands, and finally because Prexaspes was in very great
repute among the Persians. For these reasons they summoned him and
endeavoured to win him to be their friend, engaging him by pledge and
with oaths, that he would assuredly keep to himself and not reveal to
any man the deception which had been practised by them upon the
Persians, and promising to give him things innumerable[64] in return.
After Prexaspes had promised to do this, the Magians, having persuaded
him so far, proposed to him a second thing, and said that they would
call together all the Persians to come up to the wall of the palace,
and bade him go up upon a tower and address them, saying that they
were living under the rule of Smerdis the son of Cyrus and no other.
This they so enjoined because they supposed[65] that he had the
greatest credit among the Persians, and because he had frequently
declared the opinion that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was still alive,
and had denied that he had slain him.
75. When Prexaspes said that he
was ready to do this also, the Magians having called together the
Persians caused him to go up upon a tower and bade him address them.
Then he chose to forget those things which they asked of him, and
beginning with Achaimenes he traced the descent of Cyrus on the
father's side, and then, when he came down to Cyrus, he related at
last what great benefits he had conferred upon the Persians; and
having gone through this recital he proceeded to declare the truth,
saying that formerly he kept it secret, since it was not safe for him
to tell of that which had been done, but at the present time he was
compelled to make it known. He proceeded to say how he had himself
slain Smerdis the son of Cyrus, being compelled by Cambyses, and that
it was the Magians who were now ruling. Then he made imprecation of
many evils on the Persians, if they did not win back again the power
and take vengeance upon the Magians, and upon that he let himself fall
down from the tower head foremost. Thus Prexaspes ended his life,
having been throughout his time a man of repute.
76. Now the seven of the Persians, when they had resolved forthwith to
lay hands upon the Magians and not to delay, made prayer to the gods
and went, knowing nothing of that which had been done with regard to
Prexaspes: and as they were going and were in the middle of their
course, they heard that which had happened about Prexaspes. Upon that
they retired out of the way and again considered with themselves,
Otanes and his supporters strongly urging that they should delay and
not set to the work when things were thus disturbed,[66] while Dareios
and those of his party urged that they should go forthwith and do that
which had been resolved, and not delay. Then while they were
contending, there appeared seven pairs of hawks pursuing two pairs of
vultures, plucking out their feathers and tearing them. Seeing this
the seven all approved the opinion of Dareios and thereupon they went
to the king's palace, encouraged by the sight of the birds.
77. When
they appeared at the gates, it happened nearly as Dareios supposed,
for the guards, having respect for men who were chief among the
Persians, and not suspecting that anything would be done by them of
the kind proposed, allowed them to pass in under the guiding of
heaven, and none asked them any question. Then when they had passed
into the court, they met the eunuchs who bore in the messages to the
king; and these inquired of them for what purpose they had come, and
at the same time they threatened with punishment the keepers of the
gates for having let them pass in, and tried to stop the seven when
they attempted to go forward. Then they gave the word to one another
and drawing their daggers stabbed these men there upon the spot, who
tried to stop them, and themselves went running on towards the chamber
of the men.[66a]
78. Now the Magians happened both of them to be there
within, consulting about that which had been done by Prexaspes. So
when they saw that the eunuchs had been attacked and were crying
aloud, they ran back[67] both of them, and perceiving that which was
being done they turned to self-defence: and one of them got down his
bow and arrows before he was attacked, while the other had recourse to
his spear. Then they engaged in combat with one another; and that one
of them who had taken up his bow and arrows found them of no use,
since his enemies were close at hand and pressed hard upon him, but
the other defended himself with his spear, and first he struck
Aspathines in the thigh, and then Intaphrenes in the eye; and
Intaphrenes lost his eye by reason of the wound, but his life he did
not lose. These then were wounded by one of the Magians, but the
other, when his bow and arrows proved useless to him, fled into a
bedchamber which opened into the chamber of the men, intending to
close the door; and with him there rushed in two of the seven, Dareios
and Gobryas. And when Gobryas was locked together in combat with the
Magian, Dareios stood by and was at a loss what to do, because it was
dark, and he was afraid lest he should strike Gobryas. Then seeing him
standing by idle, Gobryas asked why he did not use his hands, and he
said: "Because I am afraid lest I may strike thee": and Gobryas
answered: "Thrust with thy sword even though it stab through us both."
So Dareios was persuaded, and he thrust with his danger and happened
to hit the Magian.
79. So when they had slain the Magians and cut off
their heads, they left behind those of their number who were wounded,
both because they were unable to go, and also in order that they might
take charge of the fortress, and the five others taking with them the
heads of the Magians ran with shouting and clashing of arms and called
upon the other Persians to join them, telling them of that which had
been done and showing the heads, and at the same time they proceeded
to slay every one of the Magians who crossed their path. So the
Persians when they heard of that which had been brought to pass by the
seven and of the deceit of the Magians, thought good themselves also
to do the same, and drawing their daggers they killed the Magians
wherever they found one; so that if night had not come on and stopped
them, they would not have left a single Magian alive. This day the
Persians celebrate in common more than all other days, and upon it
they keep a great festival which is called by the Persians the
festival of the slaughter of the Magians,[67a] on which no Magian is
permitted to appear abroad, but the Magians keep themselves within
their houses throughout that day.
80. When the tumult had subsided and more than five days had
elapsed,[68] those who had risen against the Magians began to take
counsel about the general state, and there were spoken speeches which
some of the Hellenes do not believe were really uttered, but spoken
they were nevertheless.[69] On the one hand Otanes urged that they
should resign the government into the hands of the whole body of the
Persians, and his words were as follows: "To me it seems best that no
single one of us should henceforth be ruler, for that is neither
pleasant nor profitable. Ye saw the insolent temper of Cambyses, to
what lengths it went, and ye have had experience also of the insolence
of the Magian: and how should the rule of one alone be a well-ordered
thing, seeing that the monarch may do what he desires without
rendering any account of his acts? Even the best of all men, if he
were placed in this disposition, would be caused by it to change from
his wonted disposition: for insolence is engendered in him by the good
things which he possesses, and envy is implanted in man from the
beginning; and having these two things, he has all vice: for he does
many deeds of reckless wrong, partly moved by insolence proceeding
from satiety, and partly by envy. And yet a despot at least ought to
have been free from envy, seeing that he has all manner of good
things. He is however naturally in just the opposite temper towards
his subjects; for he grudges to the nobles that they should survive
and live, but delights in the basest of citizens, and he is more ready
than any other man to receive calumnies. Then of all things he is the
most inconsistent; for if you express admiration of him moderately, he
is offended that no very great court is paid to him, whereas if you
pay court to him extravagantly, he is offended with you for being a
flatterer. And the most important matter of all is that which I am
about to say:--he disturbs the customs handed down from our fathers,
he is a ravisher of women, and he puts men to death without trial. On
the other hand the rule of many has first a name attaching to it which
is the fairest of all names, that is to say 'Equality';[70] next, the
multitude does none of those things which the monarch does: offices of
state are exercised by lot, and the magistrates are compelled to
render account of their action: and finally all matters of
deliberation are referred to the public assembly. I therefore give as
my opinion that we let monarchy go and increase the power of the
multitude; for in the many is contained everything."
81. This was the opinion expressed by Otanes; but Megabyzos urged that
they should entrust matters to the rule of a few, saying these words:
"That which Otanes said in opposition to a tyranny, let it be counted
as said for me also, but in that which he said urging that we should
make over the power to the multitude, he has missed the best counsel:
for nothing is more senseless or insolent than a worthless crowd; and
for men flying from the insolence of a despot to fall into that of
unrestrained popular power, is by no means to be endured: for he, if
he does anything, does it knowing what he does, but the people cannot
even know; for how can that know which has neither been taught
anything noble by others nor perceived anything of itself,[71] but
pushes on matters with violent impulse and without understanding, like
a torrent stream? Rule of the people then let them adopt who are foes
to the Persians; but let us choose a company of the best men, and to
them attach the chief power; for in the number of these we shall
ourselves also be, and it is likely that the resolutions taken by the
best men will be the best."
82. This was the opinion expressed by Megabyzos; and thirdly Dareios
proceeded to declare his opinion, saying: "To me it seems that in
those things which Megabyzos said with regard to the multitude he
spoke rightly, but in those which he said with regard to the rule of a
few, not rightly: for whereas there are three things set before us,
and each is supposed[72] to be the best in its own kind, that is to
say a good popular government, and the rule of a few, and thirdly the
rule of one, I say that this last is by far superior to the others;
for nothing better can be found than the rule of an individual man of
the best kind; seeing that using the best judgment he would be
guardian of the multitude without reproach; and resolutions directed
against enemies would so best be kept secret. In an oligarchy however
it happens often that many, while practising virtue with regard to the
commonwealth, have strong private enmities arising among themselves;
for as each man desires to be himself the leader and to prevail in
counsels, they come to great enmities with one another, whence arise
factions among them, and out of the factions comes murder, and from
murder results the rule of one man; and thus it is shown in this
instance by how much that is the best. Again, when the people rules,
it is impossible that corruption[73] should not arise, and when
corruption arises in the commonwealth, there arise among the corrupt
men not enmities but strong ties of friendship: for they who are
acting corruptly to the injury of the commonwealth put their heads
together secretly to do so. And this continues so until at last some
one takes the leadership of the people and stops the course of such
men. By reason of this the man of whom I speak is admired by the
people, and being so admired he suddenly appears as monarch. Thus he
too furnishes herein an example to prove that the rule of one is the
best thing. Finally, to sum up all in a single word, whence arose the
liberty which we possess, and who gave it to us? Was it a gift of the
people or of an oligarchy or of a monarch? I therefore am of opinion
that we, having been set free by one man, should preserve that form of
rule, and in other respects also that we should not annul the customs
of our fathers which are ordered well; for that is not the better
way."
83. These three opinions then had been proposed, and the other four
men of the seven gave their assent to the last. So when Otanes, who
was desirous to give equality to the Persians, found his opinion
defeated, he spoke to those assembled thus: "Partisans, it is clear
that some one of us must become king, selected either by casting lots,
or by entrusting the decision to the multitude of the Persians and
taking him whom it shall choose, or by some other means. I therefore
shall not be a competitor with you, for I do not desire either to rule
or to be ruled; and on this condition I withdraw from my claim to
rule, namely that I shall not be ruled by any of you, either I myself
or my descendants in future time." When he had said this, the six made
agreement with him on those terms, and he was no longer a competitor
with them, but withdrew from the assembly; and at the present time
this house remains free alone of all the Persian houses, and submits
to rule only so far as it wills to do so itself, not transgressing the
laws of the Persians.
84. The rest however of the seven continued to deliberate how they
should establish a king in the most just manner; and it was resolved
by them that to Otanes and his descendants in succession, if the
kingdom should come to any other of the seven, there should be given
as special gifts a Median dress every year and all those presents
which are esteemed among the Persians to be the most valuable: and the
reason why they determined that these things should be given to him,
was because he first suggested to them the matter and combined them
together. These were special gifts for Otanes; and this they also
determined for all in common, namely that any one of the seven who
wished might pass in to the royal palaces without any to bear in a
message, unless the king happened to be sleeping with his wife; and
that it should not be lawful for the king to marry from any other
family, but only from those of the men who had made insurrection with
him: and about the kingdom they determined this, namely that the man
whose horse should first neigh at sunrise in the suburb of the city
when they were mounted upon their horses, he should have the kingdom.
85. Now Dareios had a clever horse-keeper, whose name was Oibares. To
this man, when they had left their assembly, Dareios spoke these
words: "Oibares, we have resolved to do about the kingdom thus, namely
that the man whose horse first neighs at sunrise, when we are mounted
upon our horses he shall be king. Now therefore, if thou hast any
cleverness, contrive that we may obtain this prize, and not any other
man." Oibares replied thus: "If, my master, it depends in truth upon
this whether thou be king or no, have confidence so far as concerns
this and keep a good heart, for none other shall be king before thee;
such charms have I at my command." Then Dareios said: "If then thou
hast any such trick, it is time to devise it and not to put things
off, for our trial is to-morrow." Oibares therefore hearing this did
as follows:--when night was coming on he took one of the mares, namely
that one which the horse of Dareios preferred, and this he led into
the suburb of the city and tied her up: then he brought to her the
horse of Dareios, and having for some time led him round her, making
him go so close by so as to touch the mare, at last he let the horse
mount.
86. Now at dawn of day the six came to the place as they had
agreed, riding upon their horses; and as they rode through by the
suburb of the city, when they came near the place where the mare had
been tied up on the former night, the horse of Dareios ran up to the
place and neighed; and just when the horse had done this, there came
lightning and thunder from a clear sky: and the happening of these
things to Dareios consummated his claim, for they seemed to have come
to pass by some design, and the others leapt down from their horses
and did obeisance to Dareios.
87. Some say that the contrivance of Oibares was this, but others say as follows (for the story is told by
the Persians in both ways), namely that he touched with his hands the
parts of this mare and kept his hand hidden in his trousers; and when
at sunrise they were about to let the horses go, this Oibares pulled
out his hand and applied it to the nostrils of the horse of Dareios;
and the horse, perceiving the smell, snorted and neighed.
88. So Dareios the son of Hystaspes had been declared king; and in
Asia all except the Arabians were his subjects, having been subdued by
Cyrus and again afterwards by Cambyses. The Arabians however were
never obedient to the Persians under conditions of subjection, but had
become guest-friends when they let Cambyses pass by to Egypt: for
against the will of the Arabians the Persians would not be able to
invade Egypt. Moreover Dareios made the most noble marriages possible
in the estimation of the Persians; for he married two daughters of
Cyrus, Atossa and Artystone, of whom the one, Arossa, had before been
the wife of Cambyses her brother and then afterwards of the Magian,
while Artystone was a virgin; and besides them he married the daughter
of Smerdis the son of Cyrus, whose name was Parmys; and he also took
to wife the daughter of Otanes, her who had discovered the Magian; and
all things became filled with his power. And first he caused to be a
carving in stone, and set it up; and in it there was the figure of a
man on horseback, and he wrote upon it writing to this effect:
"Dareios son of Hystaspes by the excellence of his horse," mentioning
the name of it, "and of his horse-keeper Oibares obtained the kingdom
of the Persians."
89. Having so done in Persia, he established twenty provinces, which
the Persians themselves call satrapies; and having established the
provinces and set over them rulers, he appointed tribute to come to
him from them according to races, joining also to the chief races
those who dwelt on their borders, or passing beyond the immediate neighbours and assigning to various races those which lay more
distant. He divided the provinces and the yearly payment of tribute as
follows: and those of them who brought in silver were commanded to pay
by the standard of the Babylonian talent, but those who brought in
gold by the Euboïc talent; now the Babylonian talent is equal to
eight-and-seventy Euboïc pounds.[74] For in the reign of Cyrus, and
again of Cambyses, nothing was fixed about tribute, but they used to
bring gifts: and on account of this appointing of tribute and other
things like this, the Persians say that Dareios was a shopkeeper,
Cambyses a master, and Cyrus a father; the one because he dealt with
all his affairs like a shopkeeper, the second because he was harsh and
had little regard for any one, and the other because he was gentle and
contrived for them all things good.
90. From the Ionians and the Magnesians who dwell in Asia and the
Aiolians, Carians, Lykians, Milyans and Pamphylians (for one single
sum was appointed by him as tribute for all these) there came in four
hundred talents of silver. This was appointed by him to be the first
division.[75] From the Mysians and Lydians and Lasonians and Cabalians
and Hytennians[76] there came in five hundred talents: this is the
second division. From the Hellespontians who dwell on the right as one
sails in and the Phrygians and the Thracians who dwell in Asia and the
Paphlagonians and Mariandynoi and Syrians[77] the tribute was three
hundred and sixty talents: this is the third division. From the
Kilikians, besides three hundred and sixty white horses, one for every
day in the year, there came also five hundred talents of silver; of
these one hundred and forty talents were spent upon the horsemen which
served as a guard to the Kilikian land, and the remaining three
hundred and sixty came in year by year to Dareios: this is the fourth
division.
91. From that division which begins with the city of Posideion, founded by Amphilochos the son of Amphiaraos on the borders
of the Kilikians and the Syrians, and extends as far as Egypt, not
including the territory of the Arabians (for this was free from
payment), the amount was three hundred and fifty talents; and in this
division are the whole of Phenicia and Syria which is called Palestine
and Cyprus: this is the fifth division. From Egypt and the Libyans
bordering upon Egypt, and from Kyrene and Barca, for these were so
ordered as to belong to the Egyptian division, there came in seven
hundred talents, without reckoning the money produced by the lake of
Moiris, that is to say from the fish;[77a] without reckoning this, I
say, or the corn which was contributed in addition by measure, there
came in seven hundred talents; for as regards the corn, they
contribute by measure one hundred and twenty thousand[78] bushels for
the use of those Persians who are established in the "White Fortress"
at Memphis, and for their foreign mercenaries: this is the sixth
division. The Sattagydai and Gandarians and Dadicans and Aparytai,
being joined together, brought in one hundred and seventy talents:
this is the seventh division. From Susa and the rest of the land of
the Kissians there came in three hundred: this is the eighth division.
92. From Babylon and from the rest of Assyria there came in to him a
thousand talents of silver and five hundred boys for eunuchs: this is
the ninth division. From Agbatana and from the rest of Media and the
Paricanians and Orthocorybantians, four hundred and fifty talents:
this is the tenth division. The Caspians and Pausicans[79] and
Pantimathoi and Dareitai, contributing together, brought in two
hundred talents: this is the eleventh division. From the Bactrians as
far as the Aigloi the tribute was three hundred and sixty talents:
this is the twelfth division.
93. From Pactyïke and the Armenians and
the people bordering upon them as far as the Euxine, four hundred
talents: this is the thirteenth division. From the Sagartians and
Sarangians and Thamanaians and Utians and Mycans and those who dwell
in the islands of the Erythraian Sea, where the king settles those who
are called the "Removed,"[80] from all these together a tribute was
produced of six hundred talents: this is the fourteenth division. The
Sacans and the Caspians[81] brought in two hundred and fifty talents:
this is the fifteenth division. The Parthians and Chorasmians and
Sogdians and Areians three hundred talents: this is the sixteenth
division.
94. The Paricanians and Ethiopians in Asia brought in four
hundred talents: this is the seventeenth division. To the Matienians
and Saspeirians and Alarodians was appointed a tribute of two hundred
talents: this is the eighteenth division. To the Moschoi and
Tibarenians and Macronians and Mossynoicoi and Mares three hundred
talents were ordered: this is the nineteenth division. Of the Indians
the number is far greater than that of any other race of men of whom
we know; and they brought in a tribute larger than all the rest, that
is to say three hundred and sixty talents of gold-dust: this is the
twentieth division.
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