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The History of Herodotus: Page 44
Volume Two - Book VIII
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90. It happened also in the course of this confusion that some of the
Phenicians, whose ships had been destroyed, came to the king and
accused the Ionians, saying that by means of them their ships had been
lost, and that they had been traitors to the cause. Now it so came
about that not only the commanders of the Ionians did not lose their
lives, but the Phenicians who accused them received a reward such as I
shall tell. While these men were yet speaking thus, a Samothrakian
ship charged against an Athenian ship: and as the Athenian ship was
being sunk by it, an Eginetan ship came up against the Samothrakian
vessel and ran it down. Then the Samothrakians, being skilful javelin-
throwers, by hurling cleared off the fighting-men from the ship which
had wrecked theirs and then embarked upon it and took possession of
it. This event saved the Ionians from punishment; for when Xerxes saw
that they had performed a great exploit, he turned to the Phenicians
(for he was exceedingly vexed and disposed to find fault with all) and
bade cut off their heads, in order that they might not, after having
been cowards themselves, accuse others who were better men than they.
For whensoever Xerxes (sitting just under the mountain opposite
Salamis, which is called Aigaleos) saw any one of his own side display
a deed of valour in the sea-fight, he inquired about him who had done
it, and the scribes recorded the name of the ship's captain with that
of his father and the city from whence he came. Moreover also
Ariaramnes, a Persian who was present, shared[54] the fate of the
Phenicians, being their friend. They[55] then proceeded to deal with
the Phenicians.
91. In the meantime, as the Barbarians turned to flight and were
sailing out towards Phaleron, the Eginetans waited for them in the
passage and displayed memorable actions: for while the Athenians in
the confused tumult were disabling both those ships which resisted and
those which were fleeing, the Eginetans were destroying those which
attempted to sail away; and whenever any escaped the Athenians, they
went in full course and fell among the Eginetans.
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92. Then there met
one another the ship of Themistocles, which was pursuing a ship of the
enemy, and that of Polycritos the son of Crios the Eginetan. This last
had charged against a ship of Sidon, the same that had taken the
Eginetan vessel which was keeping watch in advance at Skiathos,[56]
and in which sailed Pytheas the son of Ischenoös, whom the Persians
kept in their ship, all cut to pieces as he was, making a marvel of
his valour. The Sidonian ship then was captured bearing with it this
man as well as the Persians of whom I spoke, so that Pytheas thus came
safe to Egina. Now when Polycritos looked at the Athenian vessel he
recognised when he saw it the sign of the admiral's ship, and shouting
out he addressed Themistocles with mockery about the accusation
brought against the Eginetans of taking the side of the Medes,[57] and
reproached him. This taunt Polycritos threw out against Themistocles
after he had charged against the ship of Sidon. And meanwhile those
Barbarians whose ships had escaped destruction fled and came to
Phaleron to be under cover of the land-army.
93. In this sea-fight the Eginetans were of all the Hellenes the best
reported of, and next to them the Athenians; and of the individual men
the Eginetan Polycritos and the Athenians Eumenes of Anagyrus and
Ameinias of Pallene, the man who had pursued after Artemisia. Now if
he had known that Artemisia was sailing in this ship, he would not
have ceased until either he had taken her or had been taken himself;
for orders had been given to the Athenian captains, and moreover a
prize was offered of ten thousand drachmas for the man who should take
her alive; since they thought it intolerable that a woman should make
an expedition against Athens. She then, as has been said before, had
made her escape; and the others also, whose ships had escaped
destruction, were at Phaleron.
94. As regards Adeimantos the commander of the Corinthians, the
Athenians say that forthwith at the beginning when the ships were
engaging in the fight, being struck with panic and terror he put up
his sails and fled away; and the Corinthians, when they saw the
admiral's ship fleeing, departed likewise: and after this, as the
story goes, when they came in their flight opposite to the temple of
Athene Skiras in the land of Salamis, there fell in with them by
divine guidance a light vessel,[58] which no one was ever found to
have sent, and which approached the Corinthians at a time when they
knew nothing of that which was happening with the fleet. And by this
it is conjectured[59] that the matter was of the Deity; for when they
came near to the ships, the men in the light vessel said these words:
"Adeimantos, thou hast turned thy ships away and hast set forth to
flee, deserting the cause of the Hellenes, while they are in truth
gaining a victory and getting the better of their foes as much as they
desired." When they said this, since Adeimantos doubted of it, they
spoke a second time and said that they might be taken as hostages and
slain, if the Hellenes should prove not to be gaining the victory.
Then he turned his ship back, he and the others with him, and they
reached the camp when the work was finished. Such is the report spread
by the Athenians against these: the Corinthians however do not allow
this to be so, but hold that they were among the first in the sea-
fight; and the rest of Hellas also bears witness on their side.
95. Aristeides moreover the son of Lysimachos, the Athenian, of whom I
made mention also shortly before this as a very good man, he in this
tumult which had arisen about Salamis did as follows:--taking with him
a number of the hoplites of Athenian race who had been ranged along
the shore of the land of Salamis, with them he disembarked on the
island of Psyttaleia; and these slew all the Persians who were in this
islet.
96. When the sea-fight had been broken off, the Hellenes towed in to
Salamis so many of the wrecks as chanced to be still about there, and
held themselves ready for another sea-fight, expecting that the king
would yet make use of the ships which remained unhurt; but many of the
wrecks were taken by the West Wind and borne to that strand in Attica
which is called Colias; so as to fulfil[60] not only all that other
oracle which was spoken about this sea-fight by Bakis and Musaios, but
also especially, with reference to the wrecks cast up here, that which
had been spoken in an oracle many years before these events by
Lysistratos, an Athenian who uttered oracles, and which had not been
observed by any of the Hellenes:
"Then shall the Colian women with firewood of oars roast barley."[61]
This was destined to come to pass after the king had marched away.
97. When Xerxes perceived the disaster which had come upon him, he
feared lest some one of the Ionians should suggest to the Hellenes, or
they should themselves form the idea, to sail to the Hellespont and
break up the bridges; and so he might be cut off in Europe and run the
risk of perishing utterly: therefore he began to consider about taking
flight. He desired however that his intention should not be perceived
either by the Hellenes or by those of his own side; therefore he
attempted to construct a mole going across to Salamis, and he bound
together Phenician merchant vessels in order that they might serve him
both for a bridge and a wall, and made preparations for fighting as if
he were going to have another battle by sea. Seeing him do so, all the
rest made sure that he had got himself ready in earnest and intended
to stay and fight; but Mardonios did not fail to perceive the true
meaning of all these things, being by experience very well versed in
his way of thinking.
98. While Xerxes was doing thus, he sent a messenger to the Persians,
to announce the calamity which had come upon them. Now there is
nothing mortal which accomplishes a journey with more speed than these
messengers, so skilfully has this been invented by the Persians: for
they say that according to the number of days of which the entire
journey consists, so many horses and men are set at intervals, each
man and horse appointed for a day's journey. These neither snow nor
rain nor heat nor darkness of night prevents from accomplishing each
one the task proposed to him, with the very utmost speed. The first
then rides and delivers the message with which he is charged to the
second, and the second to the third; and after that it goes through
them handed from one to the other,[62] as in the torch-race among the
Hellenes, which they perform for Hephaistos. This kind of running of
their horses the Persians call /angareion/.
99. The first message then
which came to Susa, announcing that Xerxes had Athens in his
possession, so greatly rejoiced the Persians who had been left behind,
that they strewed all the ways with myrtle boughs and offered incense
perpetually, and themselves continued in sacrifices and feasting. The
second message however, which came to them after this, so greatly
disturbed them that they all tore their garments and gave themselves
up to crying and lamentation without stint, laying the blame upon Mardonios: and this the Persians did not so much because they were
grieved about the ships, as because they feared for Xerxes himself.
100. As regards the Persians this went on for all the time which
intervened, until the coming of Xerxes himself caused them to cease:
and Mardonios seeing that Xerxes was greatly troubled by reason of the
sea-fight, and suspecting that he was meaning to take flight from
Athens, considered with regard to himself that he would have to suffer
punishment for having persuaded the king to make an expedition against
Hellas, and that it was better for him to run the risk of either
subduing Hellas or ending his own life honourably, placing his safety
in suspense for a great end,[63] though his opinion was rather that he
would subdue Hellas;--he reckoned up these things, I say, and
addressed his speech to the king as follows: "Master, be not thou
grieved, nor feel great trouble on account of this thing which has
come to pass; for it is not upon a contest of timbers that all our
fortunes depend, but of men and of horses: and none of these who
suppose now that all has been achieved by them will attempt to
disembark from the ships and stand against thee, nor will any in this
mainland do so; but those who did stand against us paid the penalty.
If therefore thou thinkest this good to do, let us forthwith attempt
the Peloponnese, or if thou thinkest good to hold back, we may do
that. Do not despond however, for there is no way of escape for the
Hellenes to avoid being thy slaves, after they have first given an
account of that which they did to thee both now and at former times.
Thus it were best to do; but if thou hast indeed resolved to retire
thyself and to withdraw thy army, I have another counsel to offer for
that case too. Do not thou, O king, let the Persians be an object of
laughter to the Hellenes; for none of thy affairs have suffered by
means of the Persians, nor wilt thou be able to mention any place
where we proved ourselves cowards: but if Phenicians or Egyptians or
Cyprians or Kilikians proved themselves cowards, the calamity which
followed does not belong to the Persians in any way. Now therefore,
since it is not the Persians who are guilty towards thee, follow my
counsel. If thou hast determined not to remain here, retire thou to
thine own abode, taking with thee the main body of the army, and it
must then be for me to deliver over to thee Hellas reduced to
subjection, choosing for this purpose thirty myriads[64] from the
army."
101. Hearing this Xerxes was rejoiced and delighted so far as
he might be after his misfortunes,[65] and to Mardonios he said that
when he had taken counsel he would reply and say which of these two
things he would do. So when he was taking counsel with those of the
Persians who were called to be his advisers,[66] it seemed good to him
to send for Artemisia also to give him counsel, because at the former
time she alone had showed herself to have perception of that which
ought to be done. So when Artemisia had come, Xerxes removed from him
all the rest, both the Persian councillors and also the spearmen of
the guard and spoke to her thus: "Mardonios bids me stay here and make
an attempt on the Peloponnese, saying that the Persians and the land-
army are not guilty of any share in my calamity, and that they would
gladly give me proof of this. He bids me therefore either do this or,
if not, he desires himself to choose thirty myriads from the army and
to deliver over to me Hellas reduced to subjection; and he bids me
withdraw with the rest of the army to my own abode. Do thou therefore,
as thou didst well advise about the sea-fight which was fought, urging
that we should not bring it on, so also now advise me which of these
things I shall do, that I may succeed in determining well."
102. He
thus consulted her, and she spoke these words: "O king, it is hard for
me to succeed in saying the best things when one asks me for counsel;
yet it seems good to me at the present that thou shouldest retire back
and leave Mardonios here, if he desires it and undertakes to do this,
together with those whom he desires to have: for on the one hand if he
subdue those whom he says that he desires to subdue, and if those
matters succeed well which he has in mind when he thus speaks, the
deed will after all be thine, master, seeing that thy slaves achieved
it: and on the other hand if the opposite shall come to pass of that
which Mardonios intends, it will be no great misfortune, seeing that
thou wilt thyself remain safe, and also the power in those parts[67]
which concerns thy house:[68] for if thou shalt remain safe with thy
house, many contests many times over repeated will the Hellenes have
to pass through for their own existence.[69] Of Mardonios however, if
he suffer any disaster, no account will be made; and if the Hellenes
conquer they gain a victory which is no victory, having destroyed one
who is but thy slave. Thou however wilt retire having done that for
which thou didst make thy march, that is to say, having delivered
Athens to the fire."
103. With this advice Xerxes was greatly delighted, since she
succeeded in saying that very thing which he himself was meaning to
do: for not even if all the men and all the women in the world had
been counselling him to remain, would he have done so, as I think, so
much had he been struck with terror. He commended Artemisia therefore
and sent her away to conduct his sons to Ephesos, for there were
certain bastard sons of his which accompanied him.
104. With these
sons he sent Hermotimos to have charge of them, who was by race of
Pedasa and was in the estimation of the king second to none of the
eunuchs. [Now the Pedasians dwell above Halicarnassos, and at this
Pedasa a thing happens as follows:--whenever to the whole number of
those who dwell about this city some trouble is about to come within a
certain time, then the priestess of Athene in that place gets a long
beard; and this has happened to them twice before now.
105. Of these Pedasians was Hermotimos.][70] And this man of all persons whom we
know up to this time obtained the greatest revenge for a wrong done to
him. For he had been captured by enemies and was being sold, and
Panionios a man of Chios bought him, one who had set himself to gain
his livelihood by the most impious practices; for whenever he obtained
boys who possessed some beauty, he would make eunuchs of them, and
then taking them to Sardis or Ephesos sold them for large sums of
money, since with the Barbarians eunuchs are held to be of more value
for all matters of trust than those who are not eunuchs. Panionios
then, I say, made eunuchs of many others, since by this he got his
livelihood, and also of this man about whom I speak: and Hermotimos,
being not in everything unfortunate, was sent from Sardis to the king
with other gifts, and as time went on he came to be honoured more than
all the other eunuchs in the sight of Xerxes.
106. And when the king,
being at that time in Sardis, was setting the Persian army in motion
to march against Athens, then Hermotimos, having gone down for some
business to that part of Mysia which the Chians occupy and which is
called Atarneus, found there Panionios: and having recognised him he
spoke to him many friendly words, first recounting to him all the good
things which he had by his means, and next making promises in return
for this, and saying how many good things he would do for him, if he
would bring his household and dwell in that land; so that Panionios
gladly accepting his proposals brought his children and his wife.
Then, when he had caught him together with his whole house, Hermotimos
spoke as follows: "O thou, who of all men that ever lived up to this
time didst gain thy substance by the most impious deeds, what evil did
either I myself or any of my forefathers do either to thee or to any
of thine, that thou didst make me to be that which is nought instead
of a man? Didst thou suppose that thou wouldest escape the notice of
the gods for such things as then thou didst devise? They however
following the rule of justice delivered[71] thee into my hands, since
thou hadst done impious deeds; so that thou shalt not have reason to
find fault with the penalty which shall be inflicted upon thee by me."
When he had thus reproached him, the man's sons were brought into his
presence and Panionios was compelled to make eunuchs of his own sons,
who were four in number, and being compelled he did so; and then when
he had so done, the sons were compelled to do the same thing to him.
Thus vengeance by the hands of Hermotimos[72] overtook Panionios.
107. When Xerxes had entrusted his sons to Artemisia to carry them
back to Ephesos, he called Mardonios and bade him choose of the army
whom he would, and make his deeds, if possible, correspond to his
words. During this day then things went so far; and in the night on
the command of the king the leaders of the fleet began to withdraw
their ships from Phaleron to the Hellespont, as quickly as they might
each one, to guard the bridges for the king to pass over. And when the
Barbarians were near Zoster as they sailed, then seeing the small
points of rock which stretch out to sea from this part of the
mainland, they thought that these were ships and fled for a good
distance. In time however, perceiving that they were not ships but
points of rock, they assembled together again and continued on their
voyage.
108. When day dawned, the Hellenes, seeing that the land-army was
staying still in its place, supposed that the ships also were about Phaleron; and thinking that they would fight another sea-battle, they
made preparations to repel them. When however they were informed that
the ships had departed, forthwith upon this they thought it good to
pursue after them. They pursued therefore as far as Andros, but did
not get a sight of the fleet of Xerxes; and when they had come to
Andros, they deliberated what they should do. Themistocles then
declared as his opinion that they should take their course through the
islands and pursue after the ships, and afterwards sail straight to
the Hellespont to break up the bridges; but Eurybiades expressed the
opposite opinion to this, saying that if they should break up the
floating-bridges, they would therein do[73] the greatest possible evil
to Hellas: for if the Persian should be cut off and compelled to
remain in Europe, he would endeavour not to remain still, since if he
remained still, neither could any of his affairs go forward, nor would
any way of returning home appear; but his army would perish of hunger:
whereas if he made the attempt and persevered in it, all Europe might
be brought over to him, city by city and nation by nation, the
inhabitants being either conquered[74] or surrendering on terms before
they were conquered: moreover they would have for food the crops of
the Hellenes which grew year by year. He thought however that
conquered in the sea-fight the Persian would not stay in Europe, and
therefore he might be allowed to flee until in his flight he came to
his own land. Then after that they might begin the contest for the
land which belonged to the Persian. To this opinion the commanders of
the other Peloponnesians adhered also.
109. When Themistocles
perceived that he would not be able to persuade them, or at least the
greater number of them, to sail to the Hellespont, he changed his
counsel[75] and turning to the Athenians (for these were grieved most
at the escape of the enemy and were anxious to sail to the Hellespont
even by themselves alone,[76] if the others were not willing) to them
he spoke as follows: "I myself also have been present before now on
many occasions, and have heard of many more, on which something of
this kind came to pass, namely that men who were forced into great
straits, after they had been defeated fought again and repaired their
former disaster: and as for us, since we have won as a prize from
fortune the existence of ourselves and of Hellas by repelling from our
land so great a cloud of men, let us not pursue enemies who flee from
us: for of these things not we were the doors, but the gods and
heroes, who grudged that one man should become king of both Asia and
of Europe, and he a man unholy and presumptuous, one who made no
difference between things sacred and things profane,[77] burning and
casting down the images of the gods, and who also scourged the Sea and
let down into it fetters. But as things are at present, it is well
that we should now remain in Hellas and look after ourselves and our
households; and let each man repair his house, and have a care for
sowing his land, after he has completely driven away the Barbarian:
and then at the beginning of the spring let us sail down towards the
Hellespont and Ionia." Thus he spoke, intending to lay up for himself
a store of gratitude with the Persian, in order that if after all any
evil should come upon him at the hands of the Athenians, he might have
a place of refuge: and this was in fact that which came to pass.
110. Themistocles then speaking thus endeavoured to deceive them, and
the Athenians followed his advice: for he had had the reputation even
in former times of being a man of ability[78] and he had now proved
himself to be in truth both able and of good judgment; therefore they
were ready in every way to follow his advice when he spoke. So when
these had been persuaded by him, forthwith after this Themistocles
sent men with a vessel, whom he trusted to keep silence, to whatever
test they might be brought, of that which he himself charged them to
tell the king; and of them Sikinnos his servant again was one. When
these came to Attica, the rest stayed behind in the ship, while
Sikinnos went up to Xerxes and spoke these words: "Themistocles the
son of Neocles sent me, who is commander of the Athenians, and of all
the allies the best and ablest man, to tell thee that Themistocles the
Athenian, desiring to be of service to thee, held back the Hellenes
when they were desirous to pursue after thy ships and to destroy the
bridges on the Hellespont. Now therefore thou mayest make thy way home
quite undisturbed." They having signified this sailed away again.
111. The Hellenes meanwhile, having resolved not to pursue after the
ships of the Barbarians further, nor to sail to the Hellespont to
break up the passage, were investing Andros intending to take it: for
the Andrians were the first of the islanders who, being asked by
Themistocles for money, refused to give it: and when Themistocles made
proposals to them and said that the Athenians had come having on their
side two great deities, Persuasion and Compulsion, and therefore they
must by all means give them money, they replied to this that not
without reason, as it now appeared, was Athens great and prosperous,
since the Athenians were well supplied with serviceable deities; but
as for the Andrians, they were poor,[79] having in this respect
attained to the greatest eminence, and there were two unprofitable
deities which never left their island but always remained attached to
the place, Poverty, namely, and Helplessness: and the Andrians being
possessed of these deities would not give money; for never could the
power of the Athenians get the better of their inability.[80]
112.
These, I say, having thus made answer and having refused to give the
money, were being besieged: and Themistocles not ceasing in his desire
for gain sent threatening messages to the other islands and asked them
for money by the same envoys, employing those whom he had before sent
to the king;[81] and he said that if they did not give that which was
demanded of them, he would bring the fleet of the Hellenes against
them to besiege and take them. Thus saying he collected great sums of
money from the Carystians and the Parians, who being informed how
Andros was being besieged, because it had taken the side of the Medes,
and how Themistocles was held in more regard than any of the other
commanders, sent money for fear of this. Whether any others of the
islanders also gave money I am not able to say, but I think that some
others gave and not these alone. Yet to the Carystians at least there
was no respite from the evil on this account, but the Parians escaped
the attack, because they propitiated Themistocles with money. Thus
Themistocles with Andros as his starting-point was acquiring sums of
money for himself from the men of the islands without the knowledge of
the other commanders.
113. Xerxes meanwhile with his army stayed for a few days after the
sea-fight, and then they all began to march forth towards Botia by
the same way by which they had come: for Mardonios thought both that
it was well for him to escort the king on his way, and also that it
was now too late in the year to carry on the war; it was better, he
thought, to winter in Thessaly and then at the beginning of spring to
attempt the Peloponnese. When he came to Thessaly, then Mardonios
chose out for himself first all those Persians who are called
"Immortals," except only their commander Hydarnes (for Hydarnes said
that he would not be left behind by the king), and after them of the
other Persians those who wore cuirasses, and the body of a thousand
horse: also the Medes, Sacans, Bactrians and Indians, foot and
horsemen both.[82] These nations he chose in the mass,[83] but from
the other allies he selected by few at a time, choosing whose who had
fine appearance of those of whom he knew that they had done good
service. From the Persians he chose more than from any other single
nation, and these wore collars of twisted metal and bracelets; and
after them came the Medes, who in fact were not inferior in number to
the Persians, but only in bodily strength. The result was that there
were thirty myriads in all, including cavalry.
114. During this time, while Mardonios was selecting his army and
Xerxes was in Thessaly, there had come an oracle from Delphi to the
Lacedemonians, bidding them ask satisfaction from Xerxes for the
murder of Leonidas and accept that which should be given by him. The
Spartans therefore sent a herald as quickly as possible, who having
found the whole army still in Thessaly came into the presence of
Xerxes and spoke these words: "O king of the Medes, the Lacedemonians
and the sons of Heracles of Sparta demand of thee satisfaction for
murder, because thou didst kill their king, fighting in defence of
Hellas." He laughed and then kept silence some time, and after that
pointing to Mardonios, who happened to be standing by him, he said:
"Then Mardonios here shall give them satisfaction, such as is fitting
for them to have."
115. The herald accordingly accepted the utterance
and departed; and Xerxes leaving Mardonios in Thessaly went on himself
in haste to the Hellespont and arrived at the passage where the
crossing was in five-and-thirty days, bringing back next to nothing,
as one may say,[84] of his army: and whithersoever they came on the
march and to whatever nation, they seized the crops of that people and
used them for provisions; and if they found no crops, then they took
the grass which was growing up from the earth, and stripped off the
bark from the trees and plucked down the leaves and devoured them,
alike of the cultivated trees and of those growing wild; and they left
nothing behind them: thus they did by reason of famine. Then plague
too seized upon the army and dysentery, which destroyed them by the
way, and some of them also who were sick the king left behind, laying
charge upon the cities where at the time he chanced to be in his
march, to take care of them and support them: of these he left some in
Thessaly, and some at Siris in Paionia, and some in Macedonia. In
these parts too he had left behind him the sacred chariot of Zeus,
when he was marching against Hellas; but on his return he did not
receive it back: for the Paionians had given it to the Thracians, and
when Xerxes asked for it again, they said that the mares while at
pasture had been carried off by the Thracians of the upper country,
who dwelt about the source of the Strymon.
116. Here also a Thracian,
the king of the Bisaltians and of the Crestonian land, did a deed of
surpassing horror; for he had said that he would not himself be
subject to Xerxes with his own will and had gone away up to Mount
Rhodope, and also he had forbidden his sons to go on the march against
Hellas. They however, either because they cared not for his command,
or else because a desire came upon them to see the war, went on the
march with the Persian: and when they returned all unhurt, being six
in number, their father plucked out their eyes for this cause.
117.
They then received this reward: and as to the Persians, when passing
on from Thrace they came to the passage, they crossed over the
Hellespont in haste to Abydos by means of the ships, for they did not
find the floating-bridges still stretched across but broken up by a
storm. While staying there for a time they had distributed to them an
allowance of food more abundant than they had had by the way, and from
satisfying their hunger without restraint and also from the changes of
water there died many of those in the army who had remained safe till
then. The rest arrived with Xerxes at Sardis.
118. There is also another story reported as follows, namely that when
Xerxes on his march away from Athens came to Eļon on the Strymon, from
that point he did not continue further to make marches by road, but
delivered his army to Hydarnes to lead back to the Hellespont, while
he himself embarked in a Phenician ship and set forth for Asia; and as
he sailed he was seized by a wind from the Strymon,[85] violent and
raising great waves; and since he was tossed by the storm more and
more, the ship being heavily laden (for there were upon the deck great
numbers of Persians, those namely who went with Xerxes), the king upon
that falling into fear shouted aloud and asked the pilot whether there
were for them any means of safety. He said: "Master, there are none,
unless some way be found of freeing ourselves of the excessive number
of passengers." Then it is said that Xerxes, when he heard this, spoke
thus: "Persians, now let each one of you show that he has care for the
king; for my safety, as it seems, depends upon you." He, they say,
thus spoke, and they made obeisance to him and leapt out into the sea;
and so the ship being lightened came safe to Asia. As soon as they had
landed Xerxes, they say, first presented the pilot with a wreath of
gold, because he had saved the life of the king, and then cut off his
head, because he had caused the death of many of the Persians.
119.
This other story, I say, is reported about the return of Xerxes, but I
for my part can by no means believe it, either in other respects or as
regards this which is said to have happened to the Persians; for if
this which I have related had in truth been said by the pilot to
Xerxes, not one person's opinion in ten thousand will differ from mine
that the king would have done some such thing as this, that is to say,
he would have caused those who were upon the deck to go down below
into the hold, seeing that they were Persians of the highest rank
among the Persians; and of the rowers, who were Phenicians, he would
have thrown out into the sea a number equal to the number of those. In
fact however, as I have said before, he made his return to Asia
together with the rest of the army by road.
120. And this also which
follows is a strong witness that it was so; for Xerxes is known to
have come to Abdera on his way back, and to have made with them a
guest-friendship and presented them with a Persian sword of gold and a
gold-spangled tiara: and as the men of Abdera themselves say (though I
for my part can by no means believe it), he loosed his girdle for the
first time during his flight back from Athens, considering himself to
be in security. Now Abdera is situated further towards the Hellespont
than the river Strymon and Eļon, from which place the story says that
he embarked in the ship.
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