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The History of Herodotus: Page 43
Volume Two - Book VIII
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54. Then Xerxes, having fully taken possession of Athens, sent to Susa
a mounted messenger to report to Artabanos the good success which they
had. And on the next day after sending the herald he called together
the exiles of the Athenians who were accompanying him, and bade them
go up to the Acropolis and sacrifice the victims after their own
manner; whether it was that he had seen some vision of a dream which
caused him to give this command, or whether perchance he had a scruple
in his mind because he had set fire to the temple. The Athenian exiles
did accordingly that which was commanded them: 55, and the reason why
I made mention of this I will here declare:--there is in this
Acropolis a temple[35] of Erechtheus, who is said to have been born of
the Earth, and in this there is an olive-tree and a sea, which
(according to the story told by the Athenians) Poseidon and Athene,
when they contended for the land, set as witnesses of themselves. Now
it happened to this olive-tree to be set on fire with the rest of the
temple by the Barbarians; and on the next day after the conflagration
those of the Athenians who were commanded by the king to offer
sacrifice, saw when they had gone up to the temple that a shoot had
run up from the stock of the tree about a cubit in length. These then
made report of this.
56. The Hellenes meanwhile at Salamis, when it was announced to them
how it had been as regards the Acropolis of the Athenians, were
disturbed so greatly that some of the commanders did not even wait for
the question to be decided which had been proposed, but began to go
hastily to their ships and to put up their sails, meaning to make off
with speed; and by those of them who remained behind it was finally
decided to fight at sea in defence of the Isthmus. So night came on,
and they having been dismissed from the council were going to their
ships.
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57. And when Themistocles had come to his ship, Mnesiphilos an
Athenian asked him what they had resolved; and being informed by him
that it had been determined to take out the ships to the Isthmus and
fight a battle by sea in defence of the Peloponnese, he said: "Then,
if they set sail with the ships from Salamis, thou wilt not fight any
more sea-battles at all for the fatherland, for they will all take
their way to their several cities and neither Eurybiades nor any other
man will be able to detain them or to prevent the fleet from being
dispersed: and Hellas will perish by reason of evil counsels. But if
there by any means, go thou and try to unsettle that which has been
resolved, if perchance thou mayest persuade Eurybiades to change his
plans, so as to stay here."
58. This advice very much commended itself
to Themistocles; and without making any answer he went to the ship of Eurybiades. Having come thither he said that he desired to communicate
to him a matter which concerned the common good; and Eurybiades bade
him come into his ship and speak, if he desired to say anything. Then
Themistocles sitting down beside him repeated to him all those things
which he had heard Mnesiphilos say, making as if they were his own
thoughts, and adding to them many others; until at last by urgent
request he persuaded him to come out of his ship and gather the
commanders to the council.
59. So when they were gathered together,
before Eurybiades proposed the discussion of the things for which he
had assembled the commanders, Themistocles spoke with much
vehemence[36] being very eager to gain his end; and as he was
speaking, the Corinthian commander, Adeimantos the son of Okytos,
said: "Themistocles, at the games those who stand forth for the
contest before the due time are beaten with rods." He justifying
himself said: "Yes, but those who remain behind are not crowned."
60.
At that time he made answer mildly to the Corinthian; and to Eurybiades he said not now any of those things which he had said
before, to the effect that if they should set sail from Salamis they
would disperse in different directions; for it was not seemly for him
to bring charges against the allies in their presence: but he held to
another way of reasoning, saying: "Now it is in thy power to save
Hellas, if thou wilt follow my advice, which is to stay here and here
to fight a sea-battle, and if thou wilt not follow the advice of those
among these men who bid thee remove the ships to the Isthmus. For hear
both ways, and then set them in comparison. If thou engage battle at
the Isthmus, thou wilt fight in an open sea, into which it is by no
means convenient for us that we go to fight, seeing that we have ships
which are heavier and fewer in number than those of the enemy. Then
secondly thou wilt give up to destruction Salamis and Megara and
Egina, even if we have success in all else; for with their fleet will
come also the land-army, and thus thou wilt thyself lead them to the
Peloponnese and wilt risk the safety of all Hellas. If however thou
shalt do as I say, thou wilt find therein all the advantages which I
shall tell thee of:--in the first place by engaging in a narrow place
with few ships against many, if the fighting has that issue which it
is reasonable to expect, we shall have very much the better; for to
fight a sea-fight in a narrow space is for our advantage, but to fight
in a wide open space is for theirs. Then again Salamis will be
preserved, whither our children and our wives have been removed for
safety; and moreover there is this also secured thereby, to which ye
are most of all attached, namely that by remaining here thou wilt
fight in defence of the Peloponnese as much as if the fight were at
the Isthmus; and thou wilt not lead the enemy to Peloponnese, if thou
art wise. Then if that which I expect come to pass and we gain a
victory with our ships, the Barbarians will not come to you at the
Isthmus nor will they advance further than Attica, but they will
retire in disorder; and we shall be the gainers by the preservation of
Megara and Egina and Salamis, at which place too an oracle tells us
that we shall get the victory over our enemies.[37] Now when men take
counsel reasonably for themselves, reasonable issues are wont as a
rule to come, but if they do not take counsel reasonably, then God is
not wont generally to attach himself to the judgment of men."
61. When
Themistocles thus spoke, the Corinthian Adeimantos inveighed against
him for the second time, bidding him to be silent because he had no
native land, and urging Eurybiades not to put to the vote the proposal
of one who was a citizen of no city; for he said that Themistocles
might bring opinions before the council if he could show a city
belonging to him, but otherwise not. This objection he made against
him because Athens had been taken and was held by the enemy. Then
Themistocles said many evil things of him and of the Corinthians both,
and declared also that he himself and his countrymen had in truth a
city and a land larger than that of the Corinthians, so long as they
had two hundred ships fully manned; for none of the Hellenes would be
able to repel the Athenians if they came to fight against them.
62.
Signifying this he turned then to Eurybiades and spoke yet more
urgently: "If thou wilt remain here, and remaining here wilt show
thyself a good man, well; but if not, thou wilt bring about the
overthrow of Hellas, for upon the ships depends all our power in the
war. Nay, but do as I advise. If, however, thou shalt not do so, we
shall forthwith take up our households and voyage to Siris in Italy,
which is ours already of old and the oracles say that it is destined
to be colonised by us; and ye, when ye are left alone and deprived of
allies such as we are, will remember my words."
63. When Themistocles
thus spoke, Eurybiades was persuaded to change his mind; and, as I
think, he changed his mind chiefly from fear lest the Athenians should
depart and leave them, if he should take the ships to the Isthmus; for
if the Athenians left them and departed, the rest would be no longer
able to fight with the enemy. He chose then this counsel, to stay in
that place and decide matters there by a sea-fight.
64. Thus those at Salamis, after having skirmished with one another in
speech, were making preparations for a sea-fight there, since Eurybiades had so determined: and as day was coming on, at the same
time when the sun rose there was an earthquake felt both on the land
and on the sea: and they determined to pray to the gods and to call
upon the sons of Aiacos to be their helpers. And as they had
determined, so also they did; for when they had prayed to all the
gods, they called Ajax and Telamon to their help from Salamis, where
the fleet was,[38] and sent a ship to Egina to bring Aiacos himself
and the rest of the sons of Aiacos.
65. Moreover Dicaios the son of Theokydes, an Athenian, who was an
exile and had become of great repute among the Medes at this time,
declared that when the Attic land was being ravaged by the land-army
of Xerxes, having been deserted by the Athenians, he happened then to
be in company with Demaratos the Lacedemonian in the Thriasian plain;
and he saw a cloud of dust going up from Eleusis, as if made by a
company of about thirty thousand men, and they wondered at the cloud
of dust, by what men it was caused. Then forthwith they heard a sound
of voices, and Dicaios perceived that the sound was the mystic cry
/Iacchos/; but Demaratos, having no knowledge of the sacred rites
which are done at Eleusis, asked him what this was that uttered the
sound, and he said: "Demaratos, it cannot be but that some great
destruction is about to come to the army of the king: for as to this,
it is very manifest, seeing that Attica is deserted, that this which
utters the sound is of the gods, and that it is going from Eleusis to
help the Athenians and their allies: if then it shall come down in the
Peloponnese, there is danger for the king himself and for the army
which is upon the mainland, but if it shall direct its course towards
the ships which are at Salamis, the king will be in danger of losing
his fleet. This feast the Athenians celebrate every year to the Mother
and the Daughter;[39] and he that desires it, both of them and of the
other Hellenes, is initiated in the mysteries; and the sound of voices
which thou hearest is the cry /Iacchos/ which they utter at this
feast." To this Demaratos said: "Keep silence and tell not this tale
to any other man; for if these words of thine be reported to the king,
thou wilt surely lose thy head, and neither I nor any other man upon
earth will be able to save thee: but keep thou quiet, and about this
expedition the gods will provide." He then thus advised, and after the
cloud of dust and the sound of voices there came a mist which was
borne aloft and carried towards Salamis to the camp of the Hellenes:
and thus they learnt (said he) that the fleet of Xerxes was destined
to be destroyed. Such was the report made by Dicaios the son of
Theodykes, appealing to Demaratos and others also as witnesses.
66. Meanwhile those who were appointed to serve in the fleet of
Xerxes, having gazed in Trachis upon the disaster of the Lacedemonians
and having passed over from thence to Histiaia, after staying three
days sailed through Euripos, and in other three days they had reached
Phaleron. And, as I suppose, they made their attack upon Athens not
fewer in number both by land and sea than when they had arrived at
Sepias and at Thermopylai: for against those of them who perished by
reason of the storm and those who were slain at Thermopylai and in the
sea-fights at Artemision, I will set those who at that time were not
yet accompanying the king, the Malians, Dorians, Locrians, and
Botians (who accompanied him in a body, except the Thespians and
Plataians), and moreover those of Carystos, Andros, and Tenos, with
all the other islanders except the five cities of which I mentioned
the names before; for the more the Persian advanced towards the centre
of Hellas, the more nations accompanied him.
67. So then, when all these had come to Athens except the Parians (now
the Parians had remained behind at Kythnos waiting to see how the war
would turn out),--when all the rest, I say, had come to Phaleron, then
Xerxes himself came down to the ships desiring to visit them and to
learn the opinions of those who sailed in them: and when he had come
and was set in a conspicuous place, then those who were despots of
their own nations or commanders of divisions being sent for came
before him from their ships, and took their seats as the king had
assigned rank to each one, first the king of Sidon, then he of Tyre,
and after them the rest: and when they were seated in due order,
Xerxes sent Mardonios and inquired, making trial of each one, whether
he should fight a battle by sea.
68. So when Mardonios went round
asking them, beginning with the king of Sidon, the others gave their
opinions all to the same effect, advising him to fight a battle by
sea, but Artemisia spoke these words:--(a) "Tell the king I pray thee,
Mardonios, that I, who have proved myself not to be the worst in the
sea-fights which have been fought near Euba, and have displayed deeds
not inferior to those of others, speak to him thus: Master, it is
right that I set forth the opinion which I really have, and say that
which I happen to think best for thy cause: and this I say,--spare thy
ships and do not make a sea-fight; for the men are as much stronger
than thy men by sea, as men are stronger than women. And why must thou
needs run the risk of sea-battles? Hast thou not Athens in thy
possession, for the sake of which thou didst set forth on thy march,
and also the rest of Hellas? and no man stands in thy way to resist,
but those who did stand against thee came off as it was fitting that
they should. (b) Now the manner in which I think the affairs of thy
adversaries will have their issue, I will declare. If thou do not
hasten to make a sea-fight, but keep thy ships here by the land,
either remaining here thyself or even advancing on to the Peloponnese,
that which thou hast come to do, O master, will easily be effected;
for the Hellenes are not able to hold out against thee for any long
time, but thou wilt soon disperse them and they will take flight to
their several cities: since neither have they provisions with them in
this island, as I am informed, nor is it probable that if thou shalt
march thy land-army against the Peloponnese, they who have come from
thence will remain still; for these will have no care to fight a
battle in defence of Athens. (c) If however thou hasten to fight
forthwith, I fear that damage done to the fleet may ruin the land-army
also. Moreover, O king, consider also this, that the servants of good
men are apt to grow bad, but those of bad men good; and thou, who art
of all men the best, hast bad servants, namely those who are reckoned
as allies, Egyptians and Cyprians and Kilikians and Pamphylians, in
whom there is no profit."
69. When she thus spoke to Mardonios, those
who were friendly to Artemisia were grieved at her words, supposing
that she would suffer some evil from the king because she urged him
not to fight at sea; while those who had envy and jealousy of her,
because she had been honoured above all the allies, were rejoiced at
the opposition,[40] supposing that she would now be ruined. When
however the opinions were reported to Xerxes, he was greatly pleased
with the opinion of Artemisia; and whereas even before this he thought
her excellent, he commended her now yet more. Nevertheless he gave
orders to follow the advice of the greater number, thinking that when
they fought by Euba they were purposely slack, because he was not
himself present with them, whereas now he had made himself ready to
look on while they fought a sea-battle.
70. So when they passed the word to put out to sea, they brought their
ships out to Salamis and quietly ranged themselves along the shore in
their several positions. At that time the daylight was not sufficient
for them to engage battle, for night had come on; but they made their
preparations to fight on the following day. Meanwhile the Hellenes
were possessed by fear and dismay, especially those who were from
Peloponnese: and these were dismayed because remaining in Salamis they
were to fight a battle on behalf of the land of the Athenians, and
being defeated they would be cut off from escape and blockaded in an
island, leaving their own land unguarded. And indeed the land-army of
the Barbarians was marching forward during that very night towards the
Peloponnese.
71. Yet every means had been taken that the Barbarians
might not be able to enter Peloponnesus by land: for as soon as the
Peloponnesians heard that Leonidas and his company had perished at
Thermopylai, they came together quickly from the cities and took post
at the Isthmus, and over them was set as commander Cleombrotos, the
son of Anaxandrides and brother of Leonidas. These being posted at the
Isthmus had destroyed the Skironian way, and after this (having so
determined in counsel with one another) they began to build a wall
across the Isthmus; and as they were many myriads[41] and every man
joined in the work, the work proceeded fast; for stones and bricks and
pieces of timber and baskets full of sand were carried to it
continually, and they who had thus come to help paused not at all in
their work either by night or by day.
72. Now those of the Hellenes
who came in full force to the Isthmus to help their country were
these,--the Lacedemonians, the Arcadians of every division, the
Eleians, Corinthians, Sikyonians, Epidaurians, Phliasians, Troizenians
and Hermionians. These were they who came to the help of Hellas in her
danger and who had apprehension for her, while the rest of the
Peloponnesians showed no care: and the Olympic and Carneian festivals
had by this time gone by.
73. Now Peloponnesus is inhabited by seven
races; and of these, two are natives of the soil and are settled now
in the place where they dwelt of old, namely the Arcadians and the Kynurians; and one race, that of the Achaians, though it did not
remove from the Peloponnese, yet removed in former time from its own
land and dwells now in that which was not its own. The remaining
races, four in number, have come in from without, namely the Dorians,
Aitolians, Dryopians and Lemnians. Of the Dorians there are many
cities and of great renown; of the Aitolians, Elis alone; of the
Dryopians, Hermion[42] and Asine, which latter is opposite Cardamyle
in the Laconian land; and of the Lemnians, all the Paroreatai. The
Kynurians, who are natives of the soil, seem alone to be Ionians, but
they have become Dorians completely because they are subject to the
Argives and by lapse of time, being originally citizens of Orneai or
the dwellers in the country round Orneai.[43] Of these seven nations
the remaining cities, except those which I enumerated just now, stood
aside and did nothing; and if one may be allowed to speak freely, in
thus standing aside they were in fact taking the side of the Medes.
74. Those at the Isthmus were struggling with the labour which I have
said, since now they were running a course in which their very being
was at stake, and they did not look to have any brilliant success with
their ships: while those who were at Salamis, though informed of this
work, were yet dismayed, not fearing so much for themselves as for
Peloponnesus. For some time then they spoke of it in private, one man
standing by another, and they marvelled at the ill-counsel of
Eurybiades; but at last it broke out publicly. A meeting accordingly
was held, and much was spoken about the same points as before, some
saying that they ought to sail away to Peloponnesus and run the risk
in defence of that, and not stay and fight for a land which had been
captured by the enemy, while the Athenians, Eginetans and Megarians
urged that they should stay there and defend themselves.
75. Then
Themistocles, when his opinion was like to be defeated by the
Peloponnesians, secretly went forth from the assembly, and having gone
out he sent a man to the encampment of the Medes in a boat, charging
him with that which he must say: this man's name was Sikinnos, and he
was a servant of Themistocles and tutor to his children; and after
these events Themistocles entered him as a Thespian citizen, when the
Thespians were admitting new citizens, and made him a wealthy man. He
at this time came with a boat and said to the commanders of the
Barbarians these words: "The commander of the Athenians sent me
privately without the knowledge of the other Hellenes (for, as it
chances, he is disposed to the cause of the king, and desires rather
that your side should gain the victory than that of the Hellenes), to
inform you that the Hellenes are planning to take flight, having been
struck with dismay; and now it is possible for you to execute a most
noble work, if ye do not permit them to flee away: for they are not of
one mind with one another and they will not stand against you in
fight, but ye shall see them fighting a battle by sea with one
another, those who are disposed to your side against those who are
not."
76. He then having signified to them this, departed out of the
way; and they, thinking that the message deserved credit, landed first
a large number of Persians in the small island of Psyttaleia, which
lies between Salamis and the mainland; and then, as midnight came on,
they put out the Western wing of their fleet to sea, circling round
towards Salamis, and also those stationed about Keos and Kynosura put
out their ships to sea; and they occupied all the passage with their
ships as far as Munychia. And for this reason they put out their
ships, namely in order that the Hellenes might not even be permitted
to get away, but being cut off in Salamis might pay the penalty for
the contests at Artemision: and they disembarked men of the Persians
on the small island called Psyttaleia for this reason, namely that
when the fight should take place, these might save the men of one side
and destroy those of the other, since there especially it was likely
that the men and the wrecks of ships would be cast up on shore, for
the island lay in the way of the sea-fight which was to be. These
things they did in silence, that the enemy might not have information
of them.
77. They then were making their preparations thus in the night without
having taken any sleep at all: and with regard to oracles, I am not
able to make objections against them that they are not true, for I do
not desire to attempt to overthrow the credit of them when they speak
clearly, looking at such matters as these which here follow:
"But when with ships they shall join the sacred strand of the goddess,
Artemis golden-sword-girded, and thee, wave-washed Kynosura,
Urged by a maddening hope,[44] having given rich Athens to plunder,
Then shall Justice divine quell Riot, of Insolence first-born,[45]
Longing to overthrow all things[46] and terribly panting for bloodhshed:
Brass shall encounter with brass, and Ares the sea shall empurple,
Tinging its waves with the blood: then a day of freedom for Hellas
Cometh from wide-seeing Zeus[47] and from Victory, lady and mother."[48]
Looking to such things as this, and when Bakis speaks so clearly, I do
not venture myself to make any objections about oracles, nor can I
admit them from others.
78. Now between the commanders that were at Salamis there came to be
great contention of speech and they did not yet know that the
Barbarians were surrounding them with their ships, but they thought
that they were still in their place as they saw them disposed in the
day.
79. Then while the commanders were engaged in strife, there came
over from Egina Aristeides the son of Lysimachos, an Athenian who had
been ostracised by the people, a man whom I hold (according to that
which I hear of his character) to have been the best and most upright
of all Athenians. This man came into the council and called forth
Themistocles, who was to him not a friend, but an enemy to the last
degree; but because of the greatness of the present troubles he let
those matters be forgotten and called him forth, desiring to
communicate with him. Now he had heard beforehand that the
Peloponnesians were pressing to take the ships away to the Isthmus. So
when Themistocles came forth to him, Aristeides spoke these words:
"Both at other times when occasion arises, and also especially at this
time we ought to carry on rivalry as to which of us shall do more
service to our country. And I tell thee now that it is indifferent
whether the Peloponnesians say many words or few about sailing away
from hence; for having been myself an eye-witness I tell thee that now
not even if the Corinthians and Eurybiades himself desire to sail out,
will they be able; for we are encompassed round by the enemy. Go thou
in then, and signify this to them."
80. He made answer as follows:
"Thou advisest very well,[49] and also the news which thou hast
brought is good, since thou art come having witnessed with thine own
eyes that which I desired might come to pass: for know that this which
is being done by the Medes is of my suggestion; because, when the
Hellenes would not come to a battle of their own will, it was
necessary to bring them over to us against their will. Do thou
however, since thou art come bearing good news, thyself report it to
them; for if I say these things, I shall be thought to speak that
which I have myself invented, and I shall not persuade them, but they
will think that the Barbarians are not doing so. Do thou thyself
however come forward to speak, and declare to them how things are; and
when thou hast declared this, if they are persuaded, that will be the
best thing, but if this is not credible to them, it will be the same
thing so far as concerns us, for they will no longer be able to take
to flight, if we are encompassed on all sides, as thou sayest."
81. Aristeides accordingly came forward and told them this, saying that he
had come from Egina and had with difficulty escaped without being
perceived by those who were blockading them; for the whole encampment
of the Hellenes was encompassed by the ships of Xerxes; and he
counselled them to get ready to defend themselves. He then having thus
spoken retired, and among them again there arose dispute, for the
greater number of the commanders did not believe that which was
reported to them: 83, and while these were doubting, there came a
trireme manned by Tenians, deserting from the enemy, of which the
commander was Panaitios the son of Sosimenes, which brought them the
whole truth. For this deed the Tenians were inscribed at Delphi on the
tripod among those who had conquered the Barbarians. With the ship
which deserted at Salamis and the Lemnian ship which deserted before
and came to Artemision, the naval force of the Hellenes was completed
to the number of three hundred and eighty ships, for before this two
ships were yet wanting to make up this number.
83. The Hellenes then, since they believed that which was said by the Tenians, were preparing for a sea-fight: and as the dawn appeared,
they made an assembly of those who fought on board the ships[50] and
addressed them, Themistocles making a speech which was eloquent beyond
the rest; and the substance of it was to set forth all that is better
as opposed to that which is worse, of the several things which arise
in the nature and constitution of man; and having exhorted them to
choose the better,[51] and thus having wound up his speech, he bade
them embark in their ships. These then proceeded to embark, and there
came in meanwhile the trireme from Egina which had gone away to bring
the sons of Aiacos.
84. Then the Hellenes put out all their ships, and
while they were putting out from shore, the Barbarians attacked them
forthwith. Now the other Hellenes began backing their ships and were
about to run them aground, but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, put
forth with his ship and charged one of the enemy; and his ship being
entangled in combat and the men not being able to get away, the others
joined in the fight to assist Ameinias. The Athenians say that the
beginning of the battle was made thus, but the Eginetans say that the
ship which went away to Egina to bring the sons of Aiacos was that
which began the fight. It is also reported that an apparition of a
woman was seen by them, and that having appeared she encouraged them
to the fight so that the whole of the army of the Hellenes heard it,
first having reproached them in these words: "Madmen,[52] how far will
ye yet back your ships?"
85. Opposite the Athenians had been ranged the Phenicians, for these
occupied the wing towards Eleusis and the West, and opposite the
Lacedemonians were the Ionians, who occupied the wing which extended
to the East and to Pirĉus. Of them however a few were purposely slack
in the fight according to the injunctions of Themistocles,[53] but the
greater number were not so. I might mention now the names of many
captains of ships who destroyed ships of the Hellenes, but I will make
no use of their names except in the case of Theomestor, the son of
Androdamas and Phylacos the son of Histiaios, of Samos both: and for
this reason I make mention of these and not of the rest, because
Theomestor on account of this deed became despot of Samos, appointed
by the Persians, and Phylacos was recorded as a benefactor of the king
and received much land as a reward. Now the benefactors of the king
are called in the Persian tongue /orosangai/.
86. Thus it was with
these; but the greater number of their ships were disabled at Salamis,
being destroyed some by the Athenians and others by the Eginetans: for
since the Hellenes fought in order and ranged in their places, while
the Barbarians were no longer ranged in order nor did anything with
design, it was likely that there would be some such result as in fact
followed. Yet on this day they surpassed themselves much more than
when they fought by Euba, every one being eager and fearing Xerxes,
and each man thinking that the king was looking especially at him.
87.
As regards the rest I cannot speak of them separately, or say
precisely how the Barbarians or the Hellenes individually contended in
the fight; but with regard to Artemisia that which happened was this,
whence she gained yet more esteem than before from the king.--When the
affairs of the king had come to great confusion, at this crisis a ship
of Artemisia was being pursued by an Athenian ship; and as she was not
able to escape, for in front of her were other ships of her own side,
while her ship, as it chanced, was furthest advanced towards the
enemy, she resolved what she would do, and it proved also much to her
advantage to have done so. While she was being pursued by the Athenian
ship she charged with full career against a ship of her own side
manned by Calyndians and in which the king of the Calyndians
Damasithymos was embarked. Now, even though it be true that she had
had some strife with him before, while they were still about the
Hellespont, yet I am not able to say whether she did this by
intention, or whether the Calyndian ship happened by chance to fall in
her way. Having charged against it however and sunk it, she enjoyed
good fortune and got for herself good in two ways; for first the
captain of the Athenian ship, when he saw her charge against a ship
manned by Barbarians, turned away and went after others, supposing
that the ship of Artemisia was either a Hellenic ship or was deserting
from the Barbarians and fighting for the Hellenes, 88,--first, I say,
it was her fortune to have this, namely to escape and not suffer
destruction; and then secondly it happened that though she had done
mischief, she yet gained great reputation by this thing with Xerxes.
For it is said that the king looking on at the fight perceived that
her ship had charged the other; and one of those present said:
"Master, dost thou see Artemisia, how well she is fighting, and how
she sank even now a ship of the enemy?" He asked whether this was in
truth the deed of Artemisia, and they said that it was; for (they
declared) they knew very well the sign of her ship: and that which was
destroyed they thought surely was one of the enemy; for besides other
things which happened fortunately for her, as I have said, there was
this also, namely that not one of the crew of the Calyndian ship
survived to become her accuser. And Xerxes in answer to that which was
said to him is reported to have uttered these words: "My men have
become women, and my women men." Thus it is said that Xerxes spoke.
89. And meanwhile in this struggle there was slain the commander Ariabignes, son of Dareios and brother of Xerxes, and there were slain
too many others of note of the Persians and Medes and also of the
allies; and of the Hellenes on their part a few; for since they knew
how to swim, those whose ships were destroyed and who were not slain
in hand-to-hand conflict swam over to Salamis; but of the Barbarians
the greater number perished in the sea, not being able to swim. And
when the first ships turned to flight, then it was that the largest
number perished, for those who were stationed behind, while
endeavouring to pass with their ships to the front in order that they
also might display some deed of valour for the king to see, ran into
the ships of their own side as they fled.
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