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Priscus at the Court of Attila
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Taken from
the Work
History
|
Year
ca. 449 |
Language
Greek |
|
Author
Priscus of
Panium |
Translated by
J.B. Bury (Priscus, fr. 8 in Fragmenta Historicorum
Graecorum) |
Credits
James J. O'Donnell |
|
|
Contains
information about:
Attila
The Huns
|
We set out with the barbarians, and
arrived at Sardica, which is thirteen days for a fast traveller from
Constantinople. Halting there we considered it advisable to invite
Edecon and the barbarians with him to dinner.
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The inhabitants of the
place sold us sheep and oxen, which we slaughtered, and we prepared
a meal. In the course of the feast, as the barbarians lauded Attila
and we lauded the Emperor, Bigilas remarked that it was not fair to
compare a man and a god, meaning Attila by the man and Theodosius by
the god. The Huns grew excited and hot at this remark. But we turned
the conversation in another direction, and soothed their wounded
feelings; and after dinner, when we separated, Maximin presented
Edecon and Orestes with silk garments and Indian gems....
When we arrived at Naissus we found the
city deserted, as though it had been sacked; only a few sick persons
lay in the churches. We halted at a short distance from the river,
in an open space, for all the ground adjacent to the bank was full
of the bones of men slain in war. On the morrow we came to the
station of Agintheus, the commander-in-chief of the Illyrian armies
(magister militum per Illyricum), who was posted not far from
Naissus, to announce to him the Imperial commands, and to receive
five of those seventeen deserters, about whom Attila had written to
the Emperor. We had an interview with him, and having treated the
deserters with kindness, he committed them to us. The next day we
proceeded from the district of Naissus towards the Danube; we
entered a covered valley with many bends and windings and circuitous
paths. We thought we were travelling due west, but when the day
dawned the sun rose in front; and some of us unacquainted with the
topography cried out that the sun was going the wrong way, and
portending unusual events. The fact was that that part of the road
faced the east, owing to the irregularity of the ground. Having
passed these rough places we arrived at a plain which was also well
wooded. At the river we were received by barbarian ferrymen, who
rowed us across the river in boats made by themselves out of single
trees hewn and hollowed.
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These preparations had not been made for
our sake, but to convey across a company of Huns; for Attila
pretended that he wished to hunt in Roman territory, but his intent
was really hostile, because all the deserters had not been given up
to him. Having crossed the Danube, and proceeded with the barbarians
about seventy stadia, we were compelled to wait in a certain plain,
that Edecon and his party might go on in front and inform Attila of
our arrival.
As we were dining in the evening we heard the sound of
horses approaching, and two Scythians arrived with directions that
we were to set out to Attila. We asked them first to partake of our
meal, and they dismounted and made good cheer. On the next day,
under their guidance, we arrived at the tents of Attila, which were
numerous, about three o'clock, and when we wished to pitch our tent
on a hill the barbarians who met us prevented us, because the tent
of Attila was on low ground, so we halted where the Scythians
desired.... (Then a message is received from Attila, who was aware
of the nature of their embassy, saying that if they had nothing
further to communicate to him he would not receive them, so they
reluctantly prepared to return.)
When the baggage had been packed on
the beasts of burden, and we were perforce preparing to start in the
night time, messengers came from Attila bidding us wait on account
of the late hour. Then men arrived with an ox and river fish, sent
to us by Attila, and when we had dined we retired to sleep. When it
was day we expected a gentle and courteous message from the
barbarian, but he again bade us depart if we had no further mandates
beyond what he already knew. We made no reply, and prepared to set
out, though Bigilas insisted that we should feign to have some other
communication to make. When I saw that Maximin was very dejected, I
went to Scottas (one of the Hun nobles, brother of Onegesius),
taking with me Rusticius, who understood the Hun language. He had
come with us to Scythia, not as a member of the embassy, but on
business with Constantius, an Italian whom Aetius had sent to Attila
to be that monarch's private secretary. I informed Scottas,
Rusticius acting as interpreter, that Maximin would give him many
presents if he would procure him an interview with Attila; and,
moreover, that the embassy would not only conduce to the public
interests of the two powers, but to the private interest of
Onegesius, for the Emperor desired that he should be sent as an
ambassador to Byzantium, to arrange the disputes of the Huns and
Romans, and that there he would receive splendid gifts. As Onegesius
was not present it was for Scottas, I said, to help us, or rather
help his brother, and at the same time prove that the report was
true which ascribed to him an influence with Attila equal to that
possessed by his brother. Scottas mounted his horse and rode to
Attila's tent, while I returned to Maximin and found him in a state
of perplexity and anxiety, lying on the grass with Bigilas. I
described my interview with Scottas, and bade him make preparations
for an audience of Attila. They both jumped up, approving of what I
had done, and recalled the men who had started with the beasts of
burden. As we were considering what to say to Attila, and how to
present the Emperor's gifts, Scottas came to fetch us, and we
entered Attila's tent, which was surrounded by a multitude of
barbarians. We found Attila sitting on a wooden chair. We stood at a
little distance and Maximin advanced and saluted the barbarian, to
whom he gave the Emperor's letter, saying that the Emperor prayed
for the safety of him and his. The king replied, "It shall be unto
the Romans as they wish it to be unto me," and immediately addressed
Bigilas, calling him a shameless beast, and asking him why he
ventured to come when all the deserters had not been given up. . . .
After the departure of Bigilas, who
returned to the Empire (nominally to find the deserters whose
restoration Attila demanded, but really to get the money for his
fellow-conspirator Edecon), we remained one day in that place, and
then set out with Attila for the northern parts of the country. We
accompanied the barbarian for a time, but when we reached a certain
point took another route by the command of the Scythians who
conducted us, as Attila was proceeding to a village where he
intended to marry the daughter of Eskam, though he had many other
wives, for the Scythians practise polygamy. We proceeded along a
level road in a plain and met with navigable rivers--of which the
greatest, next to the Danube, are the Drecon, Tigas, and Tiphesas--which
we crossed in the Monoxyles, boats made of one piece, used by the
dwellers on the banks: the smaller rivers we traversed on rafts
which the barbarians carry about with them on carts, for the purpose
of crossing morasses. In the villages we were supplied with
food--millet instead of corn, and mead, as the natives call it,
instead of wine. The attendants who followed us received millet, and
a drink made of barley, which the barbarians call kam. Late in the
evening, having travelled a long distance, we pitched our tents on
the banks of a fresh-water lake, used for water by the inhabitants
of the neighbouring village. But a wind and storm, accompanied by
thunder and lightning and heavy rain, arose, and almost threw down
our tents; all our utensils were rolled into the waters of the lake.
Terrified by the mishap and the atmospherical disturbance, we left
the place and lost one another in the dark and the rain, each
following the road that seemed most easy. But we all reached the
village by different ways, and raised an alarm to obtain what we
lacked. The Scythians of the village sprang out of their huts at the
noise, and, lighting the reeds which they use for kindling fires,
asked what we wanted. Our conductors replied that the storm had
alarmed us; so they invited us to their huts and provided warmth for
us by lighting large fires of reeds. The lady who governed the
village- -she had been one of Bleda's wives--sent us provisions and
good-looking girls to console us (this is a Scythian compliment). We
treated the young women to a share in the eatables. but declined to
take any further advantage of their presence. We remained in the
huts till day dawned and then went to look for our lost utensils,
which we found partly in the place where we had pitched the tent,
partly on the bank of the lake, and partly in the water. We spent
that day in the village drying our things; for the storm had ceased
and the sun was bright. Having looked after our horses and cattle,
we directed our steps to the princess, to whom we paid our respects
and presented gifts in return for her courtesy. The gifts consisted
of things which are esteemed by the barbarians as not produced in
the country--three silver phials, red skins, Indian pepper, palm
fruit, and other delicacies.
Having advanced a distance of seven days
farther, we halted at a village; for as the rest of the route was
the same for us and Attila, it behoved us to wait, so that he might
go in front. Here we met with some of the "western Romans," who had
also come on an embassy to Attila--the count Romulus, Promotus
governor of Noricum, and Romanus a military captain. With them was
Constantius whom Aetius had sent to Attila to be his secretary, and
Tatulus, the father of Orestes; these two were not connected with
the embassy, but were friends of the ambassadors. Constantius had
known them of old in the Italies, and Orestes had married the
daughter of Romulus.
The object of the embassy, was to soften
the soul of Attila, who demanded the surrender of one Silvanus, a
dealer in silver plate in Rome, because he had received golden
vessels from a certain Constantius. This Constantius, a native of
Gaul, had preceded his namesake in the office of secretary to
Attila. When Sirmium in Pannonia was besieged by the Scythians, the
bishop of the place consigned the vessels to his (Constantius')
care, that if the city were taken and he survived they might be used
to ransom him; and in case he were slain, to ransom the citizens who
were led into captivity. But when the city was enslaved, Constantius
violated his engagement, and, as he happened to be at Rome on
business, pawned the vessels to Silvanus for a sum of money, on
condition that if he gave back the money within a prescribed period
the dishes should be returned, but otherwise should become the
property of Silvanus. Constantius, suspected of treachery, was
crucified by Attila and Bleda; and afterwards, when the affair of
the vessels became known to Attila, he demanded the surrender of
Silvanus on the ground that he had stolen his property. Accordingly
Aetius and the Emperor of the Western Romans sent to explain that
Silvanus was the creditor of Constantius, the vessels having been
pawned and not stolen, and that he had sold them to priests and
others for sacred purposes. If, however, Attila refused to desist
from his demand, he, the Emperor, would send him the value of the
vessels, but would not surrender the innocent Silvanus.
Having waited for some time until Attila
advanced in front of us, we proceeded, and having crossed some
rivers we arrived at a large village, where Attila's house was said
to be more splendid than his residences in other places. It was made
of polished boards, and surrounded with a wooden enclosure,
designed, not for protection, but for appearance. The house of
Onegesius was second to the king's in splendour, and was also
encircled with a wooden enclosure, but it was not adorned with
towers like that of the king. Not far from the enclosure was a large
bath which Onegesius--who was the second in power among the
Scythians-- built, having transported the stones from Pannonia; for
the barbarians in this district had no stones or trees, but used
imported material. The builder of the bath was a captive from
Sirmium, who expected to win his freedom as payment for making the
bath. But he was disappointed, and greater trouble befell him than
mere captivity among the Scythians, for Onegesius appointed him
bathman, and he used to minister to him and his family when they
bathed.
When Attila entered the village he was
met by girls advancing in rows, under thin white canopies of linen,
which were held up by the outside women who stood under them, and
were so large that seven or more girls walked beneath each. There
were many lines of damsels thus canopied, and they sang Scythian
songs. When he came near the house of Onegesius, which lay on his
way, the wife of Onegesius issued from the door, with a number of
servants, bearing meat and wine, and saluted him and begged him to
partake of her hospitality. This is the highest honour that can be
shown among the Scythians. To gratify the wife of his friend, he
ate, just as he sat on his horse, his attendants raising the tray to
his saddlebow; and having tasted the wine, he went on to the palace,
which was higher than the other houses and built on an elevated
site. But we remained in the house of Onegesius, at his invitation,
for he had returned from his expedition with Attila's son. His wife
and kinsfolk entertained us to dinner, for he had no leisure
himself, as he had to relate to Attila the result of his expedition,
and explain the accident which had happened to the young prince, who
had slipped and broken his right arm. After dinner we left the house
of Onegesius, and took up our quarters nearer the palace, so that
Maximin might be at a convenient distance for visiting Attila or
holding intercourse with his court. The next morning, at dawn of
day, Maximin sent me to Onegesius, with presents offered by himself
as well as those which the Emperor had sent, and I was to find out
whether he would have an interview with Maximin and at what time.
When I arrived at the house, along with the attendants who carried
the gifts, I found the doors closed, and had to wait until some one
should come out and announce our arrival. As I waited and walked up
and down in front of the enclosure which surrounded the house, a
man, whom from his Scythian dress I took for a barbarian, came up
and addressed me in Greek, with the word Xaire, "Hail!" I was
surprised at a Scythian speaking Greek. For the subjects of the
Huns, swept together from various lands, speak, besides their own
barbarous tongues, either Hunnic or Gothic, or--as many as have
commercial dealings with the western Romans--Latin; but none of them
easily speak Greek, except captives from the Thracian or Illyrian
sea-coast; and these last are easily known to any stranger by their
torn garments and the squalor of their heads, as men who have met
with a reverse. This man, on the contrary, resembled a well-to-do
Scythian, being well dressed, and having his hair cut in a circle
after Scythian fashion. Having returned his salutation, I asked him
who he was and whence he had come into a foreign land and adopted
Scythian life. When he asked me why I wanted to know, I told him
that his Hellenic speech had prompted my curiosity. Then he smiled
and said that he was born a Greek and had gone as a merchant to
Viminacium, on the Danube, where he had stayed a long time, and
married a very rich wife. But the city fell a prey to the
barbarians, and he was stript of his prosperity, and on account of
his riches was allotted to Onegesius in the division of the spoil,
as it was the custom among the Scythians for the chiefs to reserve
for themselves the rich prisoners. Having fought bravely against the
Romans and the Acatiri, he had paid the spoils he won to his master,
and so obtained freedom. He then married a barbarian wife and had
children, and had the privilege of eating at the table of Onegesius.
He considered his new life among the
Scythians better than his old life among the Romans, and the reasons
he gave were as follows: "After war the Scythians live in
inactivity, enjoying what they have got, and not at all, or very
little, harassed. The Romans, on the other hand, are in the first
place very liable to perish in war, as they have to rest their hopes
of safety on others, and are not allowed, on account of their
tyrants to use arms. And those who use them are injured by the
cowardice of their generals, who cannot support the conduct of war.
But the condition of the subjects in time of peace is far more
grievous than the evils of war, for the exaction of the taxes is
very severe, and unprincipled men inflict injuries on others,
because the laws are practically not valid against all classes. A
transgressor who belongs to the wealthy classes is not punished for
his injustice, while a poor man, who does not understand business,
undergoes the legal penalty, that is if he does not depart this life
before the trial, so long is the course of lawsuits protracted, and
so much money is expended on them. The climax of the misery is to
have to pay in order to obtain justice. For no one will give a court
to the injured man unless he pay a sum of money to the judge and the
judge's clerks."
In reply to this attack on the Empire, I
asked him to be good enough to listen with patience to the other
side of the question. "The creators of the Roman republic," I said,
"who were wise and good men, in order to prevent things from being
done at haphazard made one class of men guardians of the laws, and
appointed another class to the profession of arms, who were to have
no other object than to be always ready for battle, and to go forth
to war without dread, as though to their ordinary exercise having by
practice exhausted all their fear beforehand. Others again were
assigned to attend to the cultivation of the ground, to support both
themselves and those who fight in their defence, by contributing the
military corn-supply.... To those who protect the interests of the
litigants a sum of money is paid by the latter, just as a payment is
made by the farmers to the soldiers. Is it not fair to support him
who assists and requite him for his kindness? The support of the
horse benefits the horseman.... Those who spend money on a suit and
lose it in the end cannot fairly put it down to anything but the
injustice of their case. And as to the long time spent on lawsuits,
that is due to concern for justice, that judges may not fail in
passing correct judgments, by having to give sentence offhand; it is
better that they should reflect, and conclude the case more tardily,
than that by judging in a hurry they should both injure man and
transgress against the Deity, the institutor of justice.... The
Romans treat their servants better than the king of the Scythians
treats his subjects. They deal with them as fathers or teachers,
admonishing them to abstain from evil and follow the lines of
conduct whey they have esteemed honourable; they reprove them for
their errors like their own children. They are not allowed, like the
Scythians, to inflict death on them. They have numerous ways of
conferring freedom; they can manumit not only during life, but also
by their wills, and the testamentary wishes of a Roman in regard to
his property are law."
My interlocutor shed tears, and
confessed that the laws and constitution of the Romans were fair,
but deplored that the governors, not possessing the spirit of former
generations, were ruining the State.
As we were engaged in this discussion a
servant came out and opened the door of the enclosure. I hurried up,
and inquired how Onegesius was engaged, for I desired to give him a
message from the Roman ambassador. He replied that I should meet him
if I waited a little, as he was about to go forth. And after a short
time I saw him coming out, and addressed him, saying, "The Roman
ambassador salutes you, and I have come with gifts from him, and
with the gold which the Emperor sent you. The ambassador is anxious
to meet you, and begs you to appoint a time and place." Onegesius
bade his servants receive the gold and the gifts, and told me to
announce to Maximin that he would go to him immediately. I delivered
the message, and Onegesius appeared in the tent without delay. He
expressed his thanks to Maximin and the Emperor for the presents,
and asked why he sent for him. Maximin said that the time had come
for Onegesius to have greater renown among men, if he would go to
the Emperor, and by his wisdom arrange the objects of dispute
between the Romans and Huns, and establish concord between them;
thereby he will procure many advantages for his own family, as he
all his children will always be friends of the Emperor and the
Imperial family. Onegesius inquired what measures would gratify the
Emperor and how he could arrange the disputes. Maximin replied: "If
you cross into the lands of the Roman Empire you will lay the
Emperor under an obligation, and you will arrange the matters at
issue by investigating their causes and deciding them on the basis
of the peace." Onegesius said he would inform the Emperor and his
ministers of Attila's wishes, but the Romans need not think they
could ever prevail with him to betray his master or neglect his
Scythian training and his wives and children, or to prefer wealth
among the Romans to bondage with Attila. He added that he would be
of more service to the Romans by remaining in his own land and
softening the anger of his master, if he were indignant for aught
with the Romans, than by visiting them and subjecting himself to
blame if he made arrangements that Attila did not approve of. He
then retired, having consented that I should act as an intermediary
in conveying messages from Maximin to himself, for it would not have
been consistent with Maximin's dignity as ambassador to visit him
constantly.
The next day I entered the enclosure of
Attila's palace, bearing gifts to his wife, whose name was Kreka.
She had three sons, of whom the eldest governed the Acatiri and the
other nations who dwell in Pontic Scythia. Within the enclosure were
numerous buildings, some of carved boards beautifully fitted
together, others of straight, fastened on round wooden blocks which
rose to a moderate height from the ground. Attila's wife lived here,
and, having been admitted by the barbarians at the door, I found her
reclining on a soft couch. The floor of the room was covered with
woollen mats for walking on. A number of servants stood round her,
and maids sitting on the floor in front of her embroidered with
colours linen cloths intended to be placed over the Scythian dress
for ornament. Having approached, saluted, and presented the gifts, I
went out, and walked to another house, where Attila was, and waited
for Onegesius, who, as I knew, was with Attila. I stood in the
middle of a great crowd--the guards of Attila and his attendants
knew me, and so no one hindered me. I saw a number of people
advancing, and a great commotion and noise, Attila's egress being
expected. And he came forth from the house with a dignified gait,
looking round on this side and on that. He was accompanied by
Onegesius, and stood in front of the house; and many persons who had
lawsuits with one another came up and received his judgment. Then he
returned into the house, and received ambassadors of barbarous
peoples.
As I was waiting for Onegesius, I was
accosted by Romulus and Promotus and Romanus, the ambassadors who
had come from Italy about the golden vessels; they were accompanied
by Rusticius and by Constantiolus, a man from the Pannonian
territory, which was subject to Attila. They asked me whether we had
been dismissed or are constrained to remain, and I replied that it
was just to learn this from Onegesius that I was waiting outside the
palace. When I inquired in my turn whether Attila had vouchsafed
them a kind reply, they told me that his decision could not be
moved, and that he threatened war unless either Silvanus or the
drinking-vessels were given up....
As we were talking about the state of
the world, Onegesius came out; we went up to him and asked him about
our concerns. Having first spoken with some barbarians, he bade me
inquire of Maximin what consular the Romans are sending as an
ambassador to Attila. When I came to our tent I delivered the
message to Maximin, and deliberated with him what answer we should
make to the question of the barbarian. Returning to Onegesius, I
said that the Romans desired him to come to them and adjust the
matters of dispute, otherwise the Emperor will send whatever
ambassador he chooses. He then bade me fetch Maximin, whom he
conducted to the presence of Attila. Soon after Maximin came out,
and told me that the barbarian wished Nomus or Anatolius or Senator
to be the ambassador, and that he would not receive any other than
one of these three; when he (Maximin) replied that it was not meet
to mention men by name and so render them suspected in the eyes of
the Emperor, Attila said that if they do not choose to comply with
his wishes the differences will be adjusted by arms.
When we returned to our tent the father
of Orestes came with an invitation from Attila for both of us to a
banquet at three o'clock. When the hour arrived we went to the
palace, along with the embassy from the western Romans, and stood on
the threshold of the hall in the presence of Attila. The cup-bearers
gave us a cup, according to the national custom, that we might pray
before we sat down. Having tasted the cup, we proceeded to take our
seats; all the chairs were ranged along the walls of the room on
either side. Attila sat in the middle on a couch; a second couch was
set behind him, and from it steps led up to his bed, which was
covered with linen sheets and wrought coverlets for ornament, such
as Greeks and Romans use to deck bridal beds. The places on the
right of Attila were held chief in honour, those on the left, where
we sat, were only second. Berichus, a noble among the Scythians, sat
on our side, but had the precedence of us. Onegesius sat on a chair
on the right of Attila's couch, and over against Onegesius on a
chair sat two of Attila's sons; his eldest son sat on his couch, not
near him, but at the extreme end, with his eyes fixed on the ground,
in shy respect for his father. When all were arranged, a cup-bearer
came and handed Attila a wooden cup of wine. He took it, and saluted
the first in precedence, who, honoured by the salutation, stood up,
and might not sit down until the king, having tasted or drained the
wine, returned the cup to the attendant. All the guests then
honoured Attila in the same way, saluting him, and then tasting the
cups; but he did not stand up. Each of us had a special cupbearer,
who would come forward in order to present the wine, when the
cup-bearer of Attila retired. When the second in precedence and
those next to him had been honoured in like manner, Attila toasted
us in the same way according to the order of the seats. When this
ceremony was over the cup-bearers retired, and tables, large enough
for three or four, or even more, to sit at, were placed next the
table of Attila, so that each could take of the food on the dishes
without leaving his seat. The attendant of Attila first entered with
a dish full of meat, and behind him came the other attendants with
bread and viands, which they laid on the tables. A luxurious meal,
served on silver plate, had been made ready for us and the barbarian
guests, but Attila ate nothing but meat on a wooden trencher. In
everything else, too, he showed himself temperate; his cup was of
wood, while to the guests were given goblets of gold and silver. His
dress, too, was quite simple, affecting only to be clean. The sword
he carried at his side, the latchets of his Scythian shoes, the
bridle of his horse were not adorned, like those of the other
Scythians, with gold or gems or anything costly. When the viands of
the first course had been consumed we all stood up, and did not
resume our seats until each one, in the order before observed, drank
to the health of Attila in the goblet of wine presented to him. We
then sat down, and a second dish was placed on each table with
eatables of another kind. After this course the same ceremony was
observed as after the first. When evening fell torches were lit, and
two barbarians coming forward in front of Attila sang songs they had
composed, celebrating his victories and deeds of valour in war. And
of the guests, as they looked at the singers, some were pleased with
the verses, others reminded of wars were excited in their souls,
while yet others, whose bodies were feeble with age and their
spirits compelled to rest, shed tears. After the songs a Scythian,
whose mind was deranged, appeared, and by uttering outlandish and
senseless words forced the company to laugh. After him Zerkon, the
Moorish dwarf, entered. He had been sent by Attila as a gift to
Aetius, and Edecon had persuaded him to come to Attila in order to
recover his wife, whom he had left behind him in Scythia; the lady
was a Scythian whom he had obtained in marriage through the
influence of his patron Bleda. He did not succeed in recovering her,
for Attila was angry with him for returning. On the occasion of the
banquet he made his appearance, and threw all except Attila into
fits of unquenchable laughter by his appearance, his dress, his
voice, and his words, which were a confused jumble of Latin, Hunnic,
and Gothic. Attila, however, remained immovable and of unchanging
countenance nor by word or act did he betray anything approaching to
a smile of merriment except at the entry of Ernas, his youngest son,
whom he pulled by the cheek, and gazed on with a calm look of
satisfaction. I was surprised that he made so much of this son, and
neglected his other children but a barbarian who sat beside me and
knew Latin, bidding me not revea what he told, gave me to understand
that prophets had forewarned Attila that his race would fall, but
would be restored by this boy. When the night had advanced we
retired from the banquet, not wishing to assist further at the
potations.
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